Womens Justice Center

The Liberation of Women's Energy
Will Change the World. *

La liberación de la energía de la mujer cambiará el mundo

o provide advocacy, free of charge, for victims of rape, domestic violence, and child abuse, particularly in the Latina and other under served communities of Sonoma County. To provide advocacy training and community education. To promote more women and minorities in our law enforcement agencies. To commit to equal justice for all women and girls.

rindar una defensa gratuita a víctimas de violación, violencia doméstica y abuso infantil, particularmente en las comunidades hispanas y otras que no son atendidas adecuadamente en el condado de Sonoma. Proveer capacitación en defensa pública y educación comunitaria. Incrementar el número de mujeres y personas pertenecientes a minorías en nuestras agencias de aplicación de justicia. Comprometernos con la justicia igualitaria para todas las mujeres y las niñas.

News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias


A UN peacekeeper holds a child as her mother is helped down from a relocation truck in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Credit: UN Photo/Logan Abassi

NAIROBI, Kenya, Feb 16 2018 (IPS) - Sexual abuse allegations against Oxfam staff, and failings in the charity’s response to them, delivered a body blow to an organisation renowned for years of humanitarian and development work. At the very least the accusations will leave a stain on the reputation of a charity that works in some of the toughest environments in the world, and has made a positive difference in the lives of the most vulnerable.

The Oxfam reports come in the wake of a wave of revelations of sexual misconduct that spans churches to faith based organizations to children being abused in orphanages and schools in some of the most developed countries in the world.



*** Six of 10 aid agencies open about sex abuse cases amid Oxfam scandal - survey

*** Oxfam Haiti sex claims: Charity 'failed in moral leadership'

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CDC Scientists Plea to Congress: Let Us Research Gun Violence


...a policy rider that has been including in spending bills since 1996 effectively bans the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) from researching gun violence. The so called the Dickey amendment has not definitively outlawed research on gun violence and safety, but Congress “coincidentally” removed funding from the CDC to the exact amount it once spent on that research. This sends the message to CDC scientists that such research is strongly discouraged, deprioritized, and ultimately, it is not conducted.

Scientists Survey: Scientists Feel Restricted on Gun Research

Scientists are still feeling the effects of that decision two-decades later. In 2015, the Center for Science and Democracy (CSD) at UCS, long committed to protecting scientific integrity at federal agencies, conducted a survey of federal scientists, including scientists at the CDC. The purpose of the survey was to ascertain how scientists felt about the state of scientific integrity at their respective agencies, and to glean how effective science-based agencies were at meeting their missions. Several scientists at the CDC voiced their concerns about Congress and interest groups like the National Rifle Association (NRA) interfering in their work – especially related to gun violence research. Here are a few of the most poignant comments from CDC scientists:

  • “The integrity of the scientific work would be improved if the National Rifle Association did not prevent CDC from doing more research on gun violence in the U.S.”
  • “…I am not aware of the instances where internal processes for CDC’s decisions and other activities have been inappropriately affected by influence from industry or related interest groups. Yet, it is fresh in my memory that due to the influence from the congress CDC has not been able to engage in research on guns. In my view the widespread availability of guns is a major public health issue of the U.S. The congressional influence has limited CDC’s capacity to address this issue, and I strongly hope the ‘ban’ be lifted in the future.”
  • “The main concern I have is about Congressional interference in scientific and epidemiological studies that relate to gun violence (i.e., cutting the funding for this type of research). This is a clear example of political interests preventing the advance of public health knowledge and practice.”


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This article from NIJ (National Institute of Justice) Journal 279 reports on the history, successes, and future plans for NamUs, which was established in 2007 as NIJ’s National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NamUs), which is a repository and resource center for the nation’s missing and unidentified persons.



Housed in NIJ’s Office of Investigative and Forensic Sciences, NamUs is a web-based system provided free to medical examiners, coroners, law enforcement officials, allied forensic professionals, families with lost love ones, the general public, and anyone else who is trying to resolve cases of missing and unidentified persons.

NamUs is a permission-based system, meaning it provides both a publicly viewable area and a restricted criminal justice-sensitive environment that ensures the protection of privileged information. Since its founding, it has continued to expand the system. It has added a complementary database for unclaimed persons that includes deceased people who have been identified but for whom no next of kin has been located to claim them.

As of February 2017, NamUs contains records for 12,813 missing persons, 11,335 unidentified persons, and 2,582 unclaimed persons; the number of cold cases continues to increase. NamUs has had numerous case resolutions over the years and has reunited lost loved ones with their families.

New and developing technologies are incorporated by NamUs that enable medical examiners to capture an unidentified person’s appearance. Some program successes are described. Some needs that NamUs aims to address in the future are described. 4 exhibits and 18 notes

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BEIJING — Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte last week told soldiers to shoot female rebels in their genitals, the latest in a series of violent, misogynistic remarks. 

Addressing a group of former communist rebels on Feb. 7, Duterte, who served as a city mayor before becoming president, appeared to encourage Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to target women in conflict. 

“Tell the soldiers. ‘There’s a new order coming from the mayor. We won’t kill you. We will just shoot your vagina,’” he said.

“If there is no vagina, it would be useless,” he continued, appearing to imply that women are useless without their genitals, according to local media reports.


SEE FULL STATEMENT FROM GABRIELA (Phillipine Women's Rights Organization) HERE

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Chair: Professor Janine Benedet

Professor Emerita Susan Boyd
Fay Blaney, Aboriginal Women’s Action Network
Gwendoline Allison, Lawyer
Daisy Kler, Vancouver Rape Relief and Women’s Shelter
Lee Lakeman, Activist


Watch video of the conversation here

Read: Who could have saved the children? by Louisa Russell

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El papa Francisco recibió en 2015 una carta de una víctima que describía con detalle los abusos sexuales que sufrió y cómo las autoridades eclesiásticas chilenas intentaron ocultarlo, contradiciendo las recientes insistencias del pontífice sobre que ninguna víctima había reportado lo ocurrido, según dijeron a The Associated Press el autor de la carta y miembros de la comisión sobre abusos sexuales formada por el propio Bergoglio.

El hecho de que Francisco recibiera la misiva de ocho páginas, a la que tuvo acceso AP, cuestiona sus insistencias de que tiene "tolerancia cero" a los abusos sexuales y los esfuerzos por taparlos. También pone en duda su declarada empatía con los sobrevivientes de abusos, en la crisis más seria de sus cinco años de papado.

photo El papa Francisco hace una declaración a los periodistas a bordo del avión durante el vuelo de regreso a Italia tras su visita apostólica a Sudamérica./ EFE

El escándalo estalló el mes pasado cuando el viaje de Francisco a Chile se vio empañado por las protestas por su firme defensa del obispo Juan Barros, acusado por las víctimas de encubrir los abusos del reverendo Fernando Karadima.

Durante su viaje, Francisco rechazó de plano las acusaciones contra Barros como "calumnias", al parecer ignorando que las víctimas le habían situado en la escena en algunos de los crímenes de Karadima.

En el avión de vuelta al Vaticano, ante preguntas de los periodistas, el papa dijo: "Usted me dice con buena voluntad que existen las víctimas. Pero yo no las he visto, no se han presentado".




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The “What We Know About…” series covers:

• The Prevalence of Sex Trafficking, Prostitution, and Sexual Exploitation in the U.S. (p. 7)

• Men Who Buy Sex in the U.S. (p. 13) •

Traffickers: Those Who Promote Sexual Exploitation in the U.S. (p. 23)

• Women and Girls Who Are Trafficked in the U.S. (p. 35)

• Characteristics of Women in the Sex Trade in the U.S. (p. 47)

• Violence Against Women in the Sex Trade in the U.S. (p. 67)


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This special collection emphasizes collaborative and multi-level approaches to the prevention of and response to teen dating violence (TDV). It draws on the work of many organizations and organizes the resources on TDV prevention and responses by different populations. The first section of this special collection provides general information about teen dating violence. The next six sections include TDV information related to: 1) young people, 2) bystanders, 3) parents and caregivers, 4) men and boys, 5) teachers and school-based professionals, 6) health care professionals, 7) pregnancy prevention programs, and 8) domestic violence and sexual violence service providers. The final section presents documents on TDV-related laws and legislation. The special collection concludes with examples of national programs that address TDV and a list of national and statewide organizations and programs.




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This flowchart shows just how hard it is to pursue justice.

Sexual harassment is illegal in every American workplace. It doesn’t matter if the perpetrator is a supervisor or a co-worker; it's a form of gender discrimination under the 1964 Civil Rights Act.

But using this law to pursue legal action against your employer is a long and confusing process.

It’s not as simple as filing a lawsuit against your employer and finding ways to prove the harassment occurred. Rather, there is a winding path that tries to get the accuser to resolve the case with their employer and come to a mutual agreement before even allowing the accuser to litigate the case in court. And when they get to court, the deck is stacked against the accuser to an extreme degree.

In short, the legal system fails victims of sexual harassment.

The process starts when an accuser files a complaint with the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Walk through this flowchart to see how tangled the process is, and how difficult it can be to get justice through the current system:


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Children born of sexual and gender-based violence in situations of conflict and mass violence have, until recently, been neglected in international criminal law. These children exist in what the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict has previously termed an “accountability gap” as the “punishment against or redress by the perpetrator rarely includes reparations for the women who were victimized or the children who were born as a result of rape”.

Such children have, however, featured in recent cases at the International Criminal Court (ICC). For instance, in the case against Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo, leader of the Congolese Movement of Liberation of the Congo (MLC), convicted in March 2016 of war crimes and crimes against humanity for crimes committed by his troops in the Central African Republic (CAR) between 2002 and 2003, unwanted pregnancies and the birth of children were identified during sentencing as a harm of rape. This case represents the first time the ICC will have the opportunity to provide reparations to victims of rape and a recent Expert Report on reparations suggested that children born of rape should be included within this process.


SEE ALSO: New anthology, “Human Rights and Children”

“This volume provides a comprehensive overview of children’s human rights, collecting the works of leading authorities as well as new scholars grappling with emerging ideas of ‘children’ and ‘rights.’ Beginning with the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the most widely ratified human rights treaty in the world, this book explores the theory, doctrine, and implementation of the legal frameworks addressing child labor, child soldiers, and child trafficking, as well as children’s socio-economic rights, including their rights to education.”

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la polémica defensa del papa Francisco al obispo Juan Barros, acusado de encubrir abuso sexual de menores

El papa Francisco defendió este jueves durante su visita a Chile al obispo Juan Barros, acusado de encubrir casos de abuso sexual de menores.

"El día que me traigan una prueba contra el obispo Barros, ahí voy a hablar", dijo el pontífice en la ciudad de Iquique, donde hoy celebrará la tercera y última misa de su viaje.

"No hay una sola prueba en contra, todo es calumnia", dijo en respuesta a preguntas de los periodistas al bajarse del automóvil en el que viajaba.


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Pope Francis has triggered anger in Chile after accusing victims of a paedophile priest of slander.

Francis said there was "no proof" for their claims that abuse by Father Fernando Karadima had been covered up by another man, Bishop Juan Barros.

"There is not one single piece of proof against him (Bishop Barros). It is all slander. Is that clear?" the Pope said.

One Karadima victim said the Pope's earlier plea for forgiveness over clerical sex abuse was "empty".

The Pope made his comments on Thursday before celebrating Mass outside the city of Iquique in northern Chile.

"The day someone brings me proof against Bishop Barros, then I will talk," the Pope told journalists.

What is the controversy about?



 The pope asks for forgiveness on sex abuse. But he refuses to act.


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Women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI*) human rights defenders the world over are targeted in the closing space phenomenon both for who they are as well as for the work they do. These defenders are targeted because they are often “perceived as challenging accepted sociocultural norms, traditions, perceptions, and stereotypes about femininity, sexual orientation, and the role and status of women in society.” Yet, only limited analysis has been made of their experiences of closing space.

In response, the International Human Rights Law Clinic(IHRLC) of Berkeley Law and the Urgent Action Funds for Women’s Human Rights (UAF) conducted a review of the laws and their impacts on WHRDs in 16 countries. Our report Rights Eroded: A Briefing Report on the Effects of Closing Space on Women Human Rights Defenders offers a window on the challenges women and LGBTQI* human rights defenders face as well as their resistance strategies and recommends action international and state authorities as well as donors should take to protect these front-line activists.

Women and LGBTQI* human rights defenders interviewed for the report spoke of their experiences of structural and social discrimination, targeted efforts by the State to hinder their work, gendered forms of harassment, and criminalization of their activities. They described a climate in which States have moved to restrict their access to the funds essential to their work. Governments have applied a complex web of rules including anti-money laundering and national security legislation to ensnare organizations engaged in legitimate human rights work. They emphasized how social stigma and targeted campaigns by the State to delegitimize their work undermine public support for their activities and limit the resources available to them. Activists revealed the ways in which they self-censor to avoid confrontation and abuse from State actors. And, importantly, they cataloged the strategies that they employ to resist closing space through alliance building with other human rights activists, leveraging media attention, and adopting new funding strategies.


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Research on “police sexual misconduct” — a term used to describe actions from sexual harassment and extortion to forcible rape by officers — overwhelmingly concludes that it is a systemic problem. A 2015 investigation by the Buffalo News, based on a national review of media reports and court records over a 10-year period, concluded that an officer is accused of an act of sexual misconduct at least every five days. The vast majority of incidents, the report found, involve motorists, young people in job-shadowing programs, students, victims of violence and informants. In more than 60 percent of the cases reviewed, an officer was convicted of a crime or faced other consequences.

Former police officer turned professor Phil Stinson conducted a national analysis of more than 500 officer arrests for sexual misconduct over a three-year period. He found that half involved on-duty misconduct and noted that off-duty misconduct is often facilitated by the power of the badge or the presence of an official service weapon. A fifth of arrests involved forcible rape, another fifth forcible fondling.

In a second study, funded by the National Institute of Justice and analyzing more than 6,700 officer arrests nationwide during a seven-year period, Stinson found that half of arrests for sexual misconduct were for incidents involving minors. According to a 2010 Cato Institute review, sexual misconduct is the second-most-frequently reported form of police misconduct, after excessive force.

“Over the years I would see it all,” former Seattle police chief Norm Stamper wrote in his book, “Breaking Rank.” He described cases in which cops fondled prisoners, made false traffic stops of attractive women, traded sexual favors for freedom, had sex with teenagers and raped children. “Sexual predation by police officers happens far more often than people in the business are willing to admit.”


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-YASMEEN HASSAN, DIRECTORA EJECUTIVA GLOBALhttps://www.equalitynow.org/es/campaigns/rape-laws-report

La violación y los abusos sexuales son incidentes violentos que ocurren a diario y afectan a mil millones de niñas y mujeres de todo el mundo a lo largo de su vida. Sin embargo, a pesar de la omnipresencia de estos delitos, la legislación es insuficiente, contradictoria, no se aplica de forma sistemática y, en ocasiones, incluso promueve la violencia. Desde la fundación de Igualdad Ya, en 1992, hemos  trabajado con supervivientes de violación y agresión sexual para ayudarlas a obtener justicia y presionar para que se adopten medidas para acabar con este inaceptable crimen. El informe aborda cómo la legislación del mundo sigue sin proteger a las niñas y mujeres de la violencia sexual.   

Descargue el informe de Igualdad Ya en formato de UNA PÁGINA o DOBLE PÁGINA.

«Mediante la violación la víctima es tratada como un mero objeto de gratificación sexual... sin tener en cuenta la autonomía ni el control personal sobre lo que le ocurre a su cuerpo... la violación es una de las afrentas más repugnantes a la dignidad humana y toda la gama de derechos relacionados con la dignidad, como la seguridad y la integridad de la persona...» 
Comisión Africana de Derechos Humanos y de los Pueblos: Comunicación 341/2007 – Igualdad Ya frente a la República Federal de Etiopía

Bajo cualquier concepto, se inflige violencia de género, incluida la violencia sexual, sobre niñas y mujeres en proporciones de epidemia. Si la violencia sexual fuese una enfermedad, gobiernos y donantes independientes le prestarían gran atención y destinarían los fondos necesarios para abordarla. Probablemente todo el que lea este informe ha sobrevivido o conoce a alguien que haya experimentado alguna forma de violencia sexual. 


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 ‘You could argue troubled people seek a place where their pain finds sympathy. But you wouldn’t extend that charity to Donald Trump when he suggested he was Charlottesville’s real victim.’ Photograph: UPI/Barcroft

Two months after the New York Times’s first story about Harvey Weinstein, a pattern has been established. A woman steps forward to claim that she has been the victim of sexual harassment. Almost immediately, the accused – or a man speaking on his behalf – responds with talk of a witch-hunt. Last week it was the turn of Australian TV presenter Don Burke to deny claims that he is a sexual predator and to say he is being unfairly targeted.

The week before, the singer Morrissey, in his now-familiar role as professional provocateur, had his say on the sexual abuse story, asserting that “anyone who ever said ‘I like you’ to someone else is suddenly being charged with sexual harassment”. In recent days the Tory MP Sir Roger Gale also talked of a “witch-hunt” while Jeremy Clarkson warned darkly of “innocent men forced to live like hermits”. Now deputy prime minister Damian Green has been defended by his friend and fellow MP Crispin Blunt, along with the Daily Mail, which is claiming the first minister of state is the victim of a “cynical vendetta” being waged by the police. Meanwhile in the US, Jerry Moore, brother of Roy, the Republican Alabama senate candidate accused of abusing underage girls, claimed his sibling was being persecuted “like Jesus”.


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From the police investigation to the prosecution and now the parole board decision, this is a case choreographed to frighten victims of sex crimes

The release of the “black cab” rapist John Worboys, a man who drugged, sexually assaulted and raped perhaps as many as 200 women is incomprehensible. It is shocking. It is one more unbelievable development in a case already marked out by historic levels of cruel incompetence.

At every turn, decisions have been taken that might have been choreographed to demean his victims and diminish every woman’s faith in the system. First there was the litany of errors by the Metropolitan police investigation. The willingness to disbelieve his accusers, and to believe him was accompanied by an incompetence that rendered evidence inadmissible and left obvious connections unexamined. Dozens of women may have been assaulted or raped because the police missed chances to stop him. This disaster was compounded by the most callous disregard for his victims; an investigation by the Independent Police Complaints Commission reported officers lying to and laughing at victims. Some of them were on a squad set up to create a safe environment for the reporting of rape. The IPCC recommended no disciplinary action.


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Remembering: A Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders no longer with us

In this gallery you will find our Tribute to Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) who are no longer with us. Over 350 WHRDs from 11 regions and 80 countries are featured.

We bring them all into our collective memory and carry their legacy of struggle as our torch in feminist and women’s rights movements.

You are invited to:

  • Browse the online gallery
  • Use the filters to search by category and/or region
  • Use the search bar at the top of this page to look for someone specific
  • Learn more about this Tribute


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The end of 2017 was marked by an unprecedented outpouring of sexual harassment claims in the entertainment industry — and a loud call for change. It was a watershed moment, but many worried that little would improve in a system that tends to protect powerful men and silence victims. Then, on Jan. 1, more than 1,000 actresses, agents, and other industry figures — including Shonda Rhimes, Reese Witherspoon, America Ferrera, Ashley Judd, Lena Waithe, Rashida Jones, Kerry Washington, and Eva Longoria — published an open letter in The New York Times and the Spanish-language newspaper La Opinion unveiling the massive initiative Time’s Up: “The struggle for women to break in, to rise up the ranks and to simply be heard and acknowledged in male-dominated workplaces must end,” it said. “Time’s up on this impenetrable monopoly.”

Time’s Up is arguably the biggest action-oriented response yet to the wave of allegations against men in Hollywood and seeks to expand the conversation to other less publicized industries: In November, 700,000 female farmworkers published an open lettersupporting their Hollywood peers and calling the crisis in the entertainment industry a “reality we know far too well.” The Time’s Up letter vows to use Hollywood’s privilege to fight for working women everywhere, focusing on everything from sexual harassment in the workplace to gender parity at major companies.

“We didn’t want to just put out social-media statements or send our regards,” Katie McGrath, who runs the production company Bad Robot with her husband, J.J. Abrams, tells EW. “We wanted to back it up with real resources that all women and men could access and begin the healing.”



Powerful Hollywood Women Unveil Anti-Harassment Action Plan

Open Letter From Time's Up

How to Stop the Predators Who Are Not Famous

The Alianza Nacional De Campesinas' Powerful Letter Standing With Women In Hollywood Is An Important Reminder About Privilege

700,000 Female Farmworkers Say They Stand With Hollywood Actors Against Sexual Assault, TIME magazine

Alianza Nacional de Campesinas

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Annotation:  This study documented the sexual assault disclosure experiences of 3,951 female undergraduate students at four historically Black colleges or universities (HBCU).

All women at the participating schools were recruited in November 2008 to participate in a Web-based survey that included both closed- and open-ended questions. Survey data were weighted for non-response bias. The majority of sexual assault survivors disclosed their experience to someone close to them, but disclosure to formal supports, particularly law enforcement agencies, was extremely rare. Non-reporters had concerns about the seriousness of the incident and their privacy.

On the basis of qualitative data, strategies identified by students to increase reporting included more education and awareness about sexual assault, more survivor services and alternative mechanisms for reporting, and better strategies for protecting the confidentiality of survivors. The study concludes that official sexual assault victimization data are of limited utility in conveying the extent of sexual assault among HBCU students. Efforts to increase reporting, such as peer education and enhanced confidentiality procedures, are needed. (Publisher abstract modified)

Journal:  Journal of American College Health  Volume:64  Issue:6  Dated:August-September 2016  Pages:469 to 480

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Social conservatives in the Trump administration, Congress and state governments are pursuing an aggressive agenda to broadly undermine sexual and reproductive health and rights. Our experts are assessing the devastating consequences of these attacks in the United States and globally, while continuing to examine the many dangers that are still ahead.


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Full PDF Free Online

Annotation:  Based on systematically collected data and evidence, this study report presents typologies and modalities of human trafficking organizations, descriptions of how these organizations are structured and facilitated, and an assessment of motivations and decision-making processes of traffickers.
Abstract:  The study first examined public-use data and restricted documents held by the United States Sentencing Commission (USSC) to identify human traffickers federally convicted and to obtain information on individuals and organizations engaged in sex and labor trafficking. Based on these data, a sampling frame was developed for offenders to be interviewed. Researchers then interviewed a sample of 294 convicted traffickers held in federal prisons. Among the key gaps in the human-trafficking literature addressed by this study are 1) information about human trafficking enterprises derived from systematically collected data; 2) detailed descriptions of how organizations are structured to support trafficking operations and how these operations are facilitated by legitimate businesses or storefronts, as well as money launderers; and 3) information about individual traffickers’ perceptions of risks and rewards, particularly, how law enforcement efforts are perceived by individual traffickers and how traffickers respond to these perceptions. Data are also provided on federal human trafficking charges and sentences, characteristics of traffickers and their enterprises, and offender perceptions and justifications. Implications of these findings for criminal justice policy and practice regarding human sex and labor trafficking are discussed. 3 tables, 2 figures, and a review of the dissemination of study methods and findings

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  • El documento 'La guerra inscrita en el cuerpo’ muestra la magnitud de ese crimen en el país.

    Violencia sexual en la guerra

    Mujeres sobrevivientes de violencia sexual participaron en talleres de memoria para reconstruir lo que sucedió en sus territorios.

  • Helena, una campesina del sur del Tolima, uno de los enclaves históricos de las Farc, logró salvar a sus hijos de 10, 14 y 15 años de ser reclutados por esa guerrilla. Eso ocurrió hace siete años, en el 2010. Guerrilleros del frente 21 le mandaron razón de que preparara a los muchachos porque “iban a pasar por ellos”, y ese mismo día ella decidió sacarlos de la vereda escondidos, entre guacales, en un carro de venta de bananos.


    “Allá, en cada vereda, en cada finca, a usted le dicen: ‘Tiene dos o tres hijos, y a medida que vayan creciendo, de los 10 años en adelante, se los van llevando’. Y si usted habla o algo, es peor: lo matan. La ley es que todo el mundo va a engrosar la fila de la guerrilla”, contó la mujer. 

    Pero la valentía para defender a sus hijos terminó por convertirla en víctima de violencia sexual. “Les decía que yo por mis hijos me hago matar. Fueron a mi casa a las 9 de la noche. Me ataron las manos atrás. Me llevaron al ‘Rincón de la muerte’ (en inmediaciones de la quebrada La Catalina, donde los grupos armados asesinaron a varias personas)”. 

    Allá estaba ‘Agustín’, el jefe del frente 21, que murió en combate con el Ejército en el 2012: “Él me violó y les dijo a los otros: ‘Cada uno haga lo que quiera con ella, tenemos cinco horas para hacer todo lo que quieran’ ”. 

    Testimonios como el de Helena fueron recogidos por el Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica en el informe ‘La guerra inscrita en el cuerpo’, revelado esta semana y que reconstruye cómo todos los grupos armados y muchos agentes del Estado utilizaron la violencia sexual en medio del conflicto armado. La investigación tiene casos desde 1959 y su macabro balance –que claramente es inferior a la realidad, porque muchas víctimas temen denunciar incluso hoy– es que al menos 15.000 niñas y mujeres, pero también muchos niños y adolescentes, fueron violados por los actores de la guerra. 


  • PARA VER EL INFORME: La Guerra Escrita en el Cuerpo

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Crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs) are pro-life organizations that often offer women incorrect, incomplete or misleading information about their reproductive options.

In response, some localities have passed legislation requiring CPCs to make disclosures to their clients. California, for example, passed the Reproductive FACT Act in 2015. Under this law, CPCs must notify clients of public resources available to prevent or terminate pregnancies. It also mandates that CPCs inform their patients if they are not licensed as a medical facility.

Anti-choice advocates have taken issue with these requirements. The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates has sued California’s attorney general on behalf of CPCs. In November 2017, the U.S. Supreme Court decided it would hear the case.

Two law review articles provide context. While papers published in law journals often promote a particular interpretation of the law, these sources offer background on CPCs and relevant legal precedent. A 2016 article in the American Journal of Law & Medicine looks specifically at the First Amendment and reproductive freedom. An article published in 2017 in the Northwestern Journal of Law & Social Policy, Have Crisis Pregnancy Centers Finally Met Their Match: California’s Reproductive FACT Act,” suggests the California law will be held constitutional and represents a first step to regulating CPCs.

The upcoming Supreme Court case, National Institute of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra, No. 16-1140, will evaluate whether requiring CPCs to disclose information that counters their beliefs is a violation of First Amendment rights to free speech.


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Corporate Author:  National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges
United States of America

Document URL: 


Annotation:  This benchbook provides guidance for family court judges in complying with the federal Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA), which was enacted in 1978 in response to the high percentage of Indian children being removed from their families, often unwarranted, to be placed by non-tribal public and private agencies in non-Indian foster homes and institutions.

The rationale for this federal legislation was that states were often failing to recognize the essential tribal relations of Indian people and the cultural and social standards that prevail in Indian communities and families. In 2003, the National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges (NCJFCJ) published checklists to guide judges and judicial officers in implementing ICWA. The checklists have been used by courts across the nation.

The Department of Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs (BJA) promulgated federal regulations governing ICWA in 2016. These binding regulations provide additional definitions, timelines, and required judicial findings that must be made on the record. The statute and regulations together create the minimum federal requirements for Indian families. States may increase protections and requirements, but may not decrease them.

This bench book is designed for a national audience, only addressing federal requirements under the ICWA. Judges should become familiar with higher protections for Indian children and families in their particular jurisdiction. Following a presentation of the basic provisions of the ICWA, the benchbook addresses ICWA minimum requirements for the preliminary protective hearing, the adjudication hearing, the disposition hearing, the review hearing, the permanency planning hearing, the termination of parental rights, and the adoption hearing.

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Investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia was assassinated in her native Malta after exposing a massive web of corruption through the “Panama Papers,” including a revelation that Ivanka Trump helped her father’s Panama hotel venture with the help of an alleged international fraudster with ties to Russian money launderers.

The slain investigative journalist works for the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists behind the Panama Papers, a trove of records from a law firm that she used in her work.

Police investigators and forensic experts search for evidence after a powerful bomb blew up Galizia’s car. Photo: Imgur.

Authorities on the Mediterranean island of Malta arrested ten people in connection with the killing of the lauded 53-year-old journalist, the Daily News reports.


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                                                                                                      (photo,Evelyne Asselin/CBC)

Over the last few decades the ongoing atrocity of missing and murdered native women has been heavy lifted out of stone cold silence by the mothers, sisters, and friends of the victims. In tribe after tribe native women have tirelessly organized, protested, and marched to bring the story to light and justice.

In eulogizing the recent murder of native woman Savanna LaFontaine-Greywind, the National Indian Women’s Resource Center writes, “It is an abomination that many times the only searches for our missing women are organized by family and friends, and not law enforcement.”

Taylor Sheridan, the acclaimed writer and director of Wind River, says he made his movie to bring attention to the assaults of native women and to do so with “authenticity”. So he took all the wealth and power of his filmic resources and proceeded to erase native women from their story and freeze them into silence again.

In Sheridan’s telling the starring avengers of the film’s murdered native woman are a white man hunter, a white woman FBI agent, and a native man law enforcement officer, the very characters who in authentic reality have been at the forefront of turning their backs on the missing and murdered women.  

Wherever are the story’s authentic brave native women who in real life have led the searches and struggles for justice?


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