Womens Justice Center

The Liberation of Women's Energy
Will Change the World.

La liberación de la energía de la mujer cambiará el mundo

o provide advocacy, free of charge, for victims of rape, domestic violence, and child abuse, particularly in the Latina and other under served communities of Sonoma County. To provide advocacy training and community education. To promote more women and minorities in our law enforcement agencies. To commit to equal justice for all women and girls.

rindar una defensa gratuita a víctimas de violación, violencia doméstica y abuso infantil, particularmente en las comunidades hispanas y otras que no son atendidas adecuadamente en el condado de Sonoma. Proveer capacitación en defensa pública y educación comunitaria. Incrementar el número de mujeres y personas pertenecientes a minorías en nuestras agencias de aplicación de justicia. Comprometernos con la justicia igualitaria para todas las mujeres y las niñas.

News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias


Hulton Archive/Getty

Anti-puritan but blind to his male privilege, the Playboy mogul liberated men by demeaning women.

When Hugh Hefner launched Playboy in 1953, he could scarcely have imagined that one day he would be celebrated by conservatives and excoriated by radicals. Publishing even a soft-core sex magazine was a subversive act in the gray-flanneled world of the 1950s. Aside from its pushing the boundaries of free expression with nude photography, there was much else about the early Playboythat marked it as a progressive publication, most notably Hefner’s outspoken advocacy of civil rights for African-Americans. When Hefner started a line of Playboy Clubs in 1960, he made them fully integrated, with black members and employees, even in the Jim Crow South. Beyond that, Hefner was a lifelong advocate of progressive causes like abortion rights and marriage equality.

Yet when Hefner’s death was announced on Wednesday, there was a discordant note on both sides of the political spectrum. Ben Domenech, the publisher of the right-wing website The Federalist, found much to admire in Hefner for “celebrating the sexual complementarity that has bound men and women together since the dawn of time.” Conversely, the left-wing magazine Current Affairs highlighted Hefner’s “totalitarian control” of the women who lived in the Playboy mansion, calling him a “tyrant” and “an abusive creep.”



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There were more than 40 million victims of modern slavery worldwide in 2016, findings show

There are nearly 30 million female victims of modern slavery worldwide, accounting for 71 per cent of the overall total, according to the 2017 Global Estimates of Modern Slavery Rex

Women and girls make up more than seven in 10 of the world’s modern slavery victims, with nearly 30 million female victims worldwide, major new research shows.

There were more than 40 million victims of modern slavery in 2016 overall, according to the 2017 Global Estimates of Modern Slavery — the first ever aggregation of forced labour, forced marriage and sexual exploitation across the globe.

The findings, collated by the Walk Free Foundation and the International Labour Organisation (ILO), and released during the UN General Assembly on Tuesday, show that women and girls accounting for 71 per cent of the overall total.

Ninety-nine per cent of victims of forced labour in the commercial sex industry were female, as well as 84 per cent of victims of forced marriages and 58 per cent in privately imposed forced labour.

The report also revealed that one in four victims of modern slavery – or about 10 million — are children, with some 37 per cent (or 5.7 million) of those forced to marry being between the ages of five and 17.


The Data Sources::

The data is published in two reports:

  • Global estimates of modern slavery: Forced labour and forced marriage, prepared jointly by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and Walk Free Foundation, in partnership with the International Organization for Migration (IOM)
  • Global estimates of child labour: Results and trends, 2012-2016, prepared by the International Labour Organization (ILO)

The 2017 Global Estimates can be found online at www.alliance87.org/2017ge

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“[W]hether or not the International Criminal Court will actually serve the interests of victims in an effective & satisfactory way remains to be seen.”[1]

 Just over one year ago, the International Criminal Court (ICC) sentenced Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo (Bemba) to a total of 18 years’ imprisonment. This was the Court’s first trial judgment for sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). To many, this was a milestone in the Court’s thus far disappointing record regarding sexual violence convictions and sentencing.

Bemba picture

PHOTO: ICC Trial Chamber III sentences Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo to 18 years’ imprisonment for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the Central African Republic in 2002-2003

Since its inception, the ICC has been hailed as a “victim’s court,” one that would give survivors of the world’s most heinous crimes an influential voice in the administration of justice. Unlike its predecessor tribunals, the ICC is obligated to consider victims and their interests at all stages of the proceedings including reparations. ­According to the Court’s founders, these “revolutionary conditions,” meant that the ICC could serve “not only a punitive but also a restorative function,” reflecting the “growing international consensus that participation and reparations play an important role in achieving justice for victims.”[2] But has the Court met its goal? And what about its impact on victims of sexual and gender-based violence? Contrary to its founders’ intentions, it would appear that the ICC does little to assist women or girls in the aftermath of violent sexual and gender-based oppression.


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Many studies have shown that following natural disasters there's a rise in the incidences of gender based violence. Displaced women and children are particularly vulnerable. These studies also show that women's critical voices in decision making also suffer increased repression following disasters. In response to the huge numbers of people in Puerto Rico, the southern states, and on other islands in the Caribbean who are displaced, one thing you can do is forward this list of resources to organizations in those areas you know of or can compile. 


Sexual Violence in Disasters: A Planning Guide for Prevention and Response , National Sexual Violence Resource Center (2008), This guide provides an overview of sexual violence in disasters and a range of recommendations for prevention and response before, during, and after a disaster. The guide is available in English and Spanish.

Sexual Violence in Disasters Fact Sheet ,National Sexual Violence Resource Center (2009), This two-page fact sheet includes basic information about the risk of sexual violence during and after disaster, and strategies for prevention and response.

Sexual Violence in Disasters Palm Cards ,National Sexual Violence Resource Center, These tri-fold cards include tips on sexual violence prevention and resources for survivors.

Sexual Violence in Disasters: Interactive Online Series ,National Sexual Violence Resource Center (2012 & 2013), This three-part series of interactive online courses for sexual violence preventionists, victim advocates, and allied professionals discuss the connections among sexual violence, disaster, and oppression (Module 1), and offer recommendations for creating a pre-disaster plan for sexual violence prevention and response (Modules 2 and 3).

xCHANGE Series Podcasts with Dr. Elaine Enarson ,National Sexual Violence Resource Center (2013), In this series of four short audio podcasts, Dr. Elaine Enarson discusses research, prevention strategies, community partnerships, and future directions related to sexual violence prevention and response in disasters.

Emergency preparedness in British Columbia: Mitigating violence against women in disasters , Association of Specialist Victim Assistance and Counselling Programs (1999), This action-oriented report is intended to inform key stakeholders about the link between violence against women and emergency management, identify existing system gaps and needs, and present effective strategies for mitigating the risk of increased violence against women in a major disaster.

Ethical and Safety Recommendations for Researching, Documenting and Monitoring Sexual Violence in Emergencies World Health Organization (2007), This document discusses safety and ethical issues that must be addressed when collecting and using data about sexual violence in emergencies. It presents a set of eight interrelated recommendations with key considerations and examples of good practice.

For the Women of Katrina and Other Disasters: Protection from Violence Against Women and Children , The Women’s Justice Center, The Women’s Justice Center issued this one page guide to survivors of Hurricane Katrina about strategies for protecting themselves, their children, and each other from violence in the wake of a disaster. Available in Englishand Spanish.

Guidelines for Gender-based Violence Interventions in Humanitarian Settings: Focusing on Prevention of and Response to Sexual Violence in Emergencies ,Inter-Agency Standing Committee, Taskforce on Gender in Humanitarian Assistance (2005), This resource recommends specific interventions to prevent and respond to gender-based violence during each phase of a humanitarian emergency. Available in English, Arabic, Bahasa, French, and Spanish.

Predictable, Preventable: Best Practices for Addressing Interpersonal and Self-Directed Violence During and After Disasters ,Canadian Red Cross and International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (2012) , This report provides an overview of interpersonal and self-directed violence in disasters, including risk factors and consequences. It highlights concrete actions that can be taken to address violence, and gives examples of challenges, innovations, and successes in preventing and responding to violence in disasters.

Protecting Children from Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Violence in Disaster & Emergency Situations: A Guide for Local and Community-based Organisations ,End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes (ECPAT International) (2006), This manual for local grassroots organizations provides strategies to protect children from sexual violence and sexual exploitation in the event of disasters. It examines the vulnerabilities of children and discusses actions that can be taken before, during, and after a disaster to minimize the risk of sexual violence. Available in EnglishSpanishFrench, and Arabic.

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Unsubmitted sexual assault kits (SAKs) that accrue in U.S. law enforcement agencies (LEAs) have been the subject of increasing attention for the past decade, as have untested SAKs pending analysis in crime laboratories. The field needs a research-informed approach to identify the most efficient practices for addressing the submission of SAKs in LEAs and the testing of SAKs in laboratories. This approach would also determine whether specific policies or characteristics of a jurisdiction result in more efficient processing outcomes.

This mixed-methods study examined intra- and interagency dynamics associated with SAK processing efficiency in a linked sample of crime laboratories (N = 145) and LEAs (N = 321). Relying on responses to a national survey of laboratories and a matched sample of LEAs, researchers at RTI International used regression analysis and stochastic frontier modeling to assess how labor and capital inputs, evidence policies, evidence management systems, and models of cross-agency coordination affect SAK processing efficiency. Semistructured interviews with personnel from forensic laboratories, LEAs, and prosecutor’s offices in six jurisdictions were used to elaborate on critical themes relating to SAK processing efficiency.



Injury Evidence, Biological Evidence, and Prosecution of Sexual Assault 

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Trastornos hipertensivos, una de las principales causas de mortalidad

Si estos embarazos son producto de violencia sexual el Estado debe garantizarles el acceso al aborto, pero sobre todo, salvar su vida, afirmaron expertas consultadas por esta agencia.

La ginecóloga y asesora en sistemas de salud en Ipas México, organización especializada en derechos sexuales y reproductivos, Claudia Martínez López, explicó en entrevista que la Norma Oficial Mexicana 046, violencia familiar, sexual y contra las mujeres (NOM 046) establece el derecho al aborto y atención médica de urgencia en caso de una violación.

Agregó que el riesgo a la salud y vida de la gestante es una de las causales por las cuales se puede interrumpir un embarazo en 14 entidades del país y en el caso de las niñas, este riesgo se incrementa por su condición física y biológica, por lo que la causal debe cumplirse.

Explicó que hay mucho mayor riesgo de mortalidad y morbilidad maternas (secuelas a la salud por el embarazo) en las niñas de estas edades cuando llevan a término un embarazo, que si decidieran interrumpirlo en condiciones seguras.

“Si se interrumpe un embarazo en una menor de 14 años de edad en las primeras 8 semanas de gestación, el riesgo de complicaciones es del 0.3 por ciento. Arriba de las 12 semanas únicamente aumenta 0.5 por ciento, aún con los procedimientos tecnológicos adecuados”, por lo que es fundamental que sí se realicen las interrupciones legales del embarazo dentro de las primeras 12 semanas, precisó.

“Los trastornos hipertensivos por un embarazo en la niñas es una de las tres primeras causas de morbilidad y mortalidad materna infantil, en el país, a ello se agregan otras como las hemorragias en el parto”, precisó.


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Madrid. 11 de septiembre. 17. AmecoPress. La Fiscalía General del Estado afirma en su informe anual que el número de denuncias falsas en violencia machista es muy escaso. En 2015 sólo se dieron 11 condenas por denuncias falsas.


“El escasísimo porcentaje de causas incoadas en total por delito de acusación y denuncia falsa desde 2009 a 2015 –164– en relación al número de denuncias interpuestas –913.118–, que supone un 0.0079 %, es suficientemente elocuente para rebatir las voces que se alzan en torno a la prevalencia de «denuncias falsas» en esta materia.” Estos son los términos que la Fiscalía emplea en su informe para acabar con las especulaciones respecto a este tema.

Entre los años 2009 y 2015 se produjeron 913.118 denuncias por violencia de género, se impusieron 63 condenas por denuncias falsas y quedan 90 condenas y causas en vías de tramitación. Teniendo en cuenta el dato de las condenas por denuncia falsa-63- el porcentaje de este tipo de denuncias a lo largo de 7 años es, únicamente, de 0.0069 puntos porcentuales. El informe añade: “Si a éstas sumamos las causas en tramitación, para el caso de que resultaran pronunciamientos condenatorios (90), el porcentaje final máximo será 0.0099 %”.


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Joe Paterno's estate drops lawsuit against NCAA


McQueary never testified publicly about the police report or the new details it reveals. The report was written days after Sandusky's arrest in 2011, soon after the 2001 allegation first came to the attention of police.

McQueary did testify at least twice about Paterno's reaction in 2001 to the allegation involving Sandusky, but the whistleblower never was asked under oath -- nor did he volunteer -- the detail about the "second complaint," records reviewed by CNN show.

Still, prosecutors consider the police report -- part of a much larger state police dossier on the Sandusky case -- a credible version of events, two people close to the case told CNN.

The courtroom strategy

That McQueary's statement to police is only now coming to light is no accident.

McQueary, who is now writing a memoir about the Sandusky drama, always was careful in his testimony not to elaborate unnecessarily or volunteer information he wasn't asked, another source close to the case told CNN. In fact, witnesses typically are advised by defense lawyers, prosecutors and judges to stick to the question at hand.

McQueary also was under intense public pressure from Paterno supporters who long have insisted the head coach knew nothing of Sandusky's crimes before he heard McQueary's claim in 2001. Beyond that, McQueary -- "out of respect" -- did not want to needlessly disparage the deceased Paterno, the third source said.


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The year long 1909 strike was led and carried out by mostly Jewish and Italian immigrant women and girls, garment workers between 16 and 23 years of age. The key role of this early labor strike in energizing America's nascent labor movement is often ignored by the men who write labor movement history                                                            ....wjc admin


text from Wikipedia:


Workers with terrible working conditions to help support themselves and their families. But they were also exposed to a bustling new world, and to the political and union organizers therein. Immigrant women especially often came from conservative social backgrounds which limited their interaction with men and people outside the family. But New York in the early 1900s provided the opportunity for these women to explore such social interactions, and exhibit a new level of independence.[1]

Many of these women immigrants toiled in the garment industry, which was New York's best known industry at the time.[1] They worked not for a single, large conglomerate but many smaller companies spread across lower Manhattan, among the largest of which were the Triangle and Leiserson shirtwaist factories.[1][2] This workforce was more than 70% women, about half of whom were not yet twenty years old, and about half of whom were Jewish and a third Italian.[1] In the production of shirtwaists in particular, the workforce was nearly all Jewish women. Some of them had belonged to labor unions in Europe before their immigration; many of the Jewish women in particular had been members of the Bund. Thus, they were no strangers to organized labor or to its tactics. Indeed, Jewish women who worked in the garment industry were among the most vocal and active supporters of women's suffrage in New York.[2]

Garment industry workers often worked in small sweatshops, with the men doing the higher-paid work of cutting and pressing while women were paid less for assembling and finishing garments.[1] Work weeks of 65 hours were normal, and in season they might expand to as many as 75 hours. Despite their meager wages, workers were often required to supply their own basic materials, including needles, thread, and sewing machines. Workers could be fined for being late for work or for damaging a garment they were working on. At some worksites, such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Company, steel doors were used to lock in workers so as to prevent workers from taking breaks, and as a result women had to ask permission from supervisors to use the restroom.[2]


On November 22, 1909, Clara Lemlich had been listening to men speak about the disadvantages and cautions about the shirtwaist workers going on a general strike. After listening to these men speak for four or more hours at a local 25 union meeting, she rose and declared in Yiddish that she wanted to say a few words of her own. After rising to the podium, she declared that the shirtwaist workers would go on a general strike. Her declaration received a standing ovation and the audience went wild. Clara then took an oath swearing that if she became a traitor to the cause she now voted for, then that the hand she now held high wither from her arm. On the 24th of November, less than one day after the strike had been declared, 15,000 shirtwaist workers walked out of the factories, with more joining the strike the following day. The strike lasted until February 1910 and ended in a "Protocol of peace" which allowed the strikers to go back to work and met the demands of the workers, which included better pay, shorter hours, and equal treatment of workers who were in the union and workers who were not.[citation needed]

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Independent abortion clinics are small businesses, and as their owners age, they’re struggling to pass on what they’ve built.

Abortion clinic owner Gloria Gray stands on the exit ramp she was legally required to build. She says it cost her about $150, 000 to comply with a state regulation about clinic exits.

TUSCALOOSA, Ala. ― At 67, Gloria Gray is ready for retirement. She’s been working out of a squat brown brick building in an office park near the University of Alabama for the last 24 years, and while she finds her work immensely rewarding, she’s hoping to sell her small business.

But she’s having a hard time finding a buyer ― because her business is an abortion clinic.

The shortage of abortion doctors in the United States has garnered a lot of attention, but the shortage of clinic owners — who put up the capital to set up and maintain locations where those doctors can practice — is also a major concern. Pro-choice organizations are scrambling to train more medical students to perform abortions, but the number of trained doctors doesn’t matter if there’s nowhere for them to practice.

Gray knows how risky it is to buy an abortion clinic. Since she opened the West Alabama Women’s Center in 1994, it’s been subject to a series of violent attacks. Four years after the clinic opened, it burned to the ground, and Gray never found out who was responsible. She’s been mailed anthrax. Someone shot out the windows of a clinic doctor’s office in the middle of the night. In 2006, a man drove his car through the clinic’s front doors and into the waiting room. There was also the time the boyfriend of a patient called in a bomb threat to disrupt his partner’s abortion.

There have also been less violent attempts to sabotage Gray’s clinic ― for example, the establishment of Choices Pregnancy Clinic, an anti-choice “crisis pregnancy center” masquerading as an abortion clinic, right next door in 2014. And there are protesters outside her clinic daily, carrying signs with photos of fetuses on them and shouting, which annoys the nearby podiatry clinic and dentist office.


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Document URL:  PDF  
Annotation:  This research examined the extent of organized crimes’ perpetration of human trafficking in the United States and the groups and methods involved, and it makes available an online database of federally prosecuted human trafficking cases.

Searches of federally prosecuted human trafficking cases in the United States indicate that there were 862 such cases between 2000 and 2015, involving 2,096 defendants. A total of 1,227 (58 percent) of the defendants operated as part of an organized criminal group.

Of the cases in which organized crime groups were engaged, 34 percent involved sex trafficking of both adults and minors; 24 percent were engaged only in sex trafficking of minors; 18 percent engaged in labor trafficking that did not involve commercial sex; and 17 percent engaged only in sex trafficking of adults.

Regarding the national origin of trafficking victims, 55 percent of adult victims of sex trafficking were foreign nationals; in cases of minor victims of sex trafficking, 92 percent were U.S. nationals; 93 percent of labor trafficking victims were foreign nationals. Of the organized-crime cases, 35 percent involved “mom and pop” operators; 33 percent of organized-crime cases involved crime rings; 6 percent of organized-crime cases involved gangs; 26 percent of the organized-crime cases involved illegal enterprises; none of the organized-crime cases involved cartel/mafia/syndicates, but there was evidence they facilitated the human trafficking operations of other types of organized criminal groups. Data on age, gender, country of origin, and motivations for human trafficking are noted, along with criminal methods.

Seven recommendations address the criminal justice community and other policymakers. 71 references and appended case search and case-coding protocols, and inmate interview protocol

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Two of America's most Hispanic cities, lashed by the devastation of hurricane Harvey, and lashed again, by Trump's racist pardoning of Sheriff Joe Arpaio!

It is a blatant racist act that President Trump has pardoned Sheriff Joe Arpaio. That Trump made his announcement of the pardoning in the exact minutes when Southeast Texas, home to some of America's most Hispanic cities, was first being hit Hurricane Harvey's devastating blows, is an unspeakable cruelty. 

The vicious and sadistic racism being displayed by the President Trump in this life threatening time for the huge Latino populations of Southeastern Texas, is a red flag that cannot be ignored. Trump's racism is clearly capable of crushing people when they're down. We can't let that happen!

It's critical in the days that follow, in whatever capacity we can, to be vigilant that all available government services reach the most vulnerable, and in a language they understand.

------admin, Women's Justice Center 

Use your language Skills

One of the biggest needs may be for translators and interpreters since Southeast Texas is home to the largest number of refugees in the US as well as a large population of immigrants. 

Spanish, Vietnamese, Arabic, and American Sign language skills could be of use to relief organisations, hospitals, radio stations, other local media outlets, and first responders - paramedics, police, fire departments. It is best to call officials and groups in the area first to determine need. 

Remember, you don't necessarily have to be in the area to help with language since no matter where you are you're just a phone call away.

Corpus Christi, Texas:

* Population over 62% Hispanic (2010 U.S. Census)

* Over 36% speak Spanish

* One of the five most Hispanic cities in the U.S (cities over 250,000 population)

*  League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) was founded in Corpus Christi

* Over 17% of the population live below the poverty line,

Cisneros v. Corpus Christi Independent School District (1970) was the first case to extend the U.S. Supreme Court's Brown v. the Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas decision (1954) to Mexican Americans. It recognized them as a minority group that could be and was frequently discriminated against.

Houston, Texas:

* 44% Hispanic

* 575,000 undocumented immigrants 

SEE: For Houston’s many undocumented immigrants, storm is just the latest challenge



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WASHINGTON ― President Donald Trump on Friday pardoned a notorious former Arizona sheriff who willfully violated a federal judge’s order by unlawfully detaining individuals his officers claimed might be in the country illegally.

Former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, who had previously proclaimed himself “America’s toughest sheriff,” was convicted of criminal contempt last month for violating a 2011 order that barred Arpaio and his office from detaining individuals solely based on suspicions about their legal status. Arpaio, 85, was scheduled to be sentenced on Oct. 5.

“Throughout his time as Sheriff, Arpaio continued his life’s work of protecting the public from the scourges of crime and illegal immigration,” the White House said in a statement late Friday. “Sheriff Joe Arpaio is now eighty-five years old, and after more than fifty years of admirable service to our Nation, he is a worthy candidate for a Presidential pardon.”

Trump’s pardon of Arpaio, the first of his presidency, amounts to a tacit endorsement of Arpaio’s discriminatory tactics and reads as a favor to a political ally. The media-savvy former sheriff, known for parading inmates around in pink underwear, supported the former reality TV star’s presidential campaign and spoke at the Republican National Convention last summer. Both men were prominent promoters of the racist conspiracy theory that former President Barack Obama wasn’t born in the United States.

Arpaio, who served as sheriff from 1993 through 2016, had long been accused of discriminatory practices against Latinos. A 2011 report by the U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division concluded there was reasonable cause to believe that Arpaio and his office engaged in a pattern or practice of unlawful policing and racial profiling. Arpaio’s officers called Latinos “wetbacks,” “Mexican bitches,” “fucking Mexicans” and “stupid Mexicans,” the Justice Department found, and Latino drivers were four to nine times as likely to be stopped by his officers as non-Latino drivers were. A lawsuit filed by the Justice Department was settled in 2015.



Concentration Camps Expert Says Trump Just Endorsed The Idea Of Them In U.S.

What authoritarianism experts think of Trump’s decision to pardon Joe Arpaio

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Índigenas de los Andes hacen fila para solicitar ayuda en un pueblo del departamento de Puno en Perú. Crédito: Milagros Salazar/IPS.

Índigenas de los Andes hacen fila para solicitar ayuda en un pueblo del departamento de Puno en Perú. Crédito: Milagros Salazar/IPS.

LIMA, 7 ago 2017 (IPS) - El grado de violencia de género en el ámbito familiar que existe en Perú es alarmante. No solo las estadísticas reflejan una práctica generalizada, sino que muchas peruanas tienden a aceptarla como “parte del matrimonio”.

Por ello, fue sorprendente y también comprensible que las clases sobre ese tipo de violencia en un centro de mujeres de la región de Cajamarca, estuviera siempre repletas de adolescentes y mujeres animadas.

“Muchas mujeres no protestan contra la violencia dentro del hogar porque no están tan educadas y no saben mucho”, señaló una de las participantes, y sus compañeras asintieron. “Sus esposos las insultan y les pegan, y las mujeres creen que es su culpa, que se merecen ese tipo de trato”, observó.


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The city and county prosecutor’s website promises that the Honolulu Family Justice Center is a safe haven, a domestic violence shelter that “will help victims break away from their abusers, regain their self-esteem, attain job skills and make new lives for themselves.” What the website doesn’t mention is that victims can’t bring their children to the $6.2 million shelter, which opened in November. They also must turn over their cellphones and laptops, and they will be turned away unless they promise to testify against their abusers.

While Honolulu’s prosecutor-run “shelter” with extreme strings attached is unusual, its prosecution-first, victim-second approach to domestic violence cases isn’t. Across the country, domestic violence victims who turn to law enforcement for help can be punished if they later decide that a criminal justice response isn’t in their best interest.

Want to listen to this article out loud? Hear it on Slate Voice.

At the ribbon-cutting ceremony for the Family Justice Center, prosecutor Keith Kaneshiro stood at a podium, decked out in leis, and boasted that his office “did a lot of things to help victims of domestic violence, even when the victims did not know what’s good for them.” In the eight months it has been open, just four victims have opted to stay in the 20-bed facility, says Kaneshiro’s spokesman Chuck Parker. Of those four, two of their abusers pleaded guilty or pleaded to amended charges while the other two are awaiting trial. According to Parker, “some victims have declined the offer to go to the safe house because of the rules,” but he would not specify how many had turned down the opportunity to stay in the shelter.


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Mimi Crown’s story is like millions of others that have been and are being told across America. At age 21, she was abducted and forced into sexual solicitation.

“I had to ask permission to eat, to sleep, to buy myself feminine products or even to use my phone,” Crown said of her detention. “It felt like I was in a prison that I’d never get out of. I had no limits on what I should have been doing, however, sexually. I secretly did what I could to mentally deal with this at the time.”

Sexual trafficking represents a critical threat to the well-being of this nation’s girls. In 2016 alone, the National Human Trafficking Hotline reported 7,572 human trafficking cases, with 5,551 of these cases being sexual trafficking cases. One of the least acknowledged and under-appreciated facts about the statistic, however, is that the face of the typical victim is not that of Jaycee Duggard or Amy Smart, as media depictions of sexual trafficking suggest.

The typical face of sexual trafficking in America today matches the faces of the 501 juveniles that have gone missing in the D.C. area in just the first quarter of this year. According to the FBI, 40 percent of victims of sex trafficking are African-Americans, with that number being significantly larger in the major metropolitan areas. In Los Angeles County, the African-American victim rate reaches 92 percent. In overwhelming numbers, the persons most likely to be victimized are vulnerable Black girls and women.

“Compared with other segments of the population, victimization rates for African American children and youths are even higher,” the National Center for Victims of Crime reports. “Evidence suggests that Black youths ages 12 to 19 are victims of violent crime at significantly higher rates than their white peers. Black youths are three times more likely to be victims of reported child abuse or neglect, three times more likely to be victims of robbery and five times more likely to be victims of homicide.”

Per the FBI, 59 percent of all juvenile prostitution arrests involve African-Americans. With law enforcement more likely to see a Black sex trafficking victim as a prostitute and not as someone needing help, trying to find solutions toward keeping our girls safe may require a radical examination of the core beliefs American society is currently based on.


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For the first time in decades, El Salvador’s cruel blanket ban on abortion is under threat. The country has become a symbol in the global fight for reproductive justice, very publicly denying young women life-saving abortions and incarcerating people who experience miscarriages. The El Salvador government has gone so far as to stop chemotherapy for pregnant women with cancer, and delay care to women with diagnosed ectopic pregnancies until their fallopian tubes burst. Last month, a teenager who became pregnant after repeated sexual assaults was sentenced to 30 years in prison for delivering a stillborn baby.

Now, after years of feminist organizing, El Salvador’s parliament is considering a bill that would legalize abortion in cases of rape, threat to the pregnant person’s life or when the fetus is unviable. After a series of public hearings and debates, the bill has notable support, but is still facing significant opposition from an organization called Sí a la Vida – which is funded by U.S. anti-abortion advocates.

The Guardian reports that Virginia-based non-profit Human Life International has been financing Sí a la Vida since 2000, just a few years after they successfully pushed for the full criminalization of abortion in El Salvador. Human Life International’s mission is to “provide training and tools needed to combat the Culture of Death and build a Culture of Life” – aka spreading the horrific criminalization of pregnant people. In a 2001 article titled “How to Export Pro-Life Activism” the real life inspiration for the Handmaid’s Tale then-president of Human Life International talks about the pharmaceutical industry’s supposed attack on fertility, why contraception is the same as abortion, and details HLI’s work to get El Salvador’s ban on abortion written into the country’s constitution.




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(CNN)Heather Heyer dedicated her life to standing up for those she felt were not being heard, her family and friends said. She died fighting for her beliefs and campaigning against hate.

"She was very strong in what she felt and she spoke with conviction," Heyer's close friend and co-worker Marissa Blair told Chris Cuomo on CNN's "New Day."

"She would never back down from what she believed in. And that's what she died doing, she died fighting for what she believed in. Heather was a sweet, sweet soul and she'll never be replaced, she'll never be forgotten."

    Thirty-two-year-old Heyer was killed Saturday when a car plowed into a crowd of counterprotesters gathered to oppose a "Unite the Right" rally of white nationalist and other right-wing groups. Nineteen others were injured in the incident.

    A 20-year-old man from Ohio, James Alex Fields Jr., is being held and could face a second-degree murder charge in Heyer's death.

    'Passionate about justice'



    Note: Once again, suspect's domestic violence against his mother, reported to police twice, should have been a red flag! --- admin  

    Judge denies bail for man accused of ramming car into Charlottesville protesters


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    "The Incest Diary" is a shocking, highly literary new memoir of child sexual abuse.

    THE INCEST DIARY by Anonymous.Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 144 pp., $18.00.

    Sexual abuse in families is not rare. Yet it is almost made invisible by the layers of stigma in which it is wrapped, which are so dense as to be opaque. Consider The Incest Diary, a memoir by an anonymous woman that describes her father’s abuse of her from early childhood through adulthood. The abuse is violent and persistent. She describes his acts upon her child’s body in detail. When I saw this title in the catalog from Farrar, Straus and Giroux, I could not understand what it was doing there. FSG is a literary outfit, not the publisher of misery memoirs for the prurient.

    Such was my prejudice, and such is the prejudice of a society that thinks the victims of abuse do not quite have the right to their own experiences, including the right to turn them into literature in whatever way they please. The critical reception has demonstrated this assumption amply. In her cruel review in the Telegraph, Allison Pearson wrote that “the reader who would like it best is a pedophile,” because the book describes what pedophiles do to children. In the Times, Dwight Garner wrote, “This book offers more sensation than perspective.” He also called some of the author’s descriptions “porn lingo.”

    The crimes committed against the author of The Incest Diary have so wholly shaped her sexuality that she comes to ambivalently enjoy these encounters, and to place the rest of her sexual life in relation to them. She writes about an orgasm she has with her father that is more powerful than any she subsequently experienced in a twelve-year marriage. So yes, she writes about her father’s “big hard cock.” Porn lingo such words may be, but they are the truth about the formative role that the abuse has played in her sexuality. How can one be polite, when what one means is “big hard cock?” Should she not use the word “pussy,” because she’s talking about her dad touching it? And if those words are what it takes to communicate the truth in writing, then what other words can she use?


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    In the first of a four-part series, Al Jazeera examines the accusations of sexual abuse and exploitation against the UN.

    UN peacekeepers are sent to the most war-ravaged countries on Earth, ostensibly to help them transition to peace. 

    But some stand accused of committing crimes against the very people they are supposed to protect. 

    According to a recent investigation by the Associated Press (AP), between 2004 and 2016, the United Nations received almost 2,000 allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse against its peacekeepers. 

    The UN says it has a zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse, but survivors, activists, lawyers and human rights organisations say such crimes have been allowed to continue with impunity. 

    Through conversations with UN peacekeepers and officials, gender experts, academics, researchers and activists, as well as through an investigation of UN data, in this four-part series, we try to navigate these competing accounts to answer the question: How did some peacekeepers become predators? 

    In part one, we examine the history of accusations against the UN.

    UN peacekeepers are sent to the most war-ravaged countries on Earth, ostensibly to help them transition to peace. 

    But some stand accused of committing crimes against the very people they are supposed to protect. 

    According to a recent investigation by the Associated Press (AP), between 2004 and 2016, the United Nations received almost 2,000 allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse against its peacekeepers. 

    The UN says it has a zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse, but survivors, activists, lawyers and human rights organisations say such crimes have been allowed to continue with impunity. 

    Through conversations with UN peacekeepers and officials, gender experts, academics, researchers and activists, as well as through an investigation of UN data, in this four-part series, we try to navigate these competing accounts to answer the question: How did some peacekeepers become predators? 

    In part one, we examine the history of accusations against the UN.


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    La falta de solidaridad y de compromiso con las personas refugiadas contribuye al incremento de la violencia en las rutas y una vez más, mujeres y niñas son las más perjudicadas

    Madrid, 27 julio 2017, Amecopress. El 30 de julio se celebra el Día Mundial contra la Trata de Personas. Diversas ONG llevan años exigiendo la aprobación de una Ley Integral que obligue al cumplimiento de aspectos fundamentales que hoy solo son recomendaciones para las autoridades. Las organizaciones denuncian que se siga abordando como un problema de extranjería –y más concretamente de persecución de la inmigración ilegal- y no desde el enfoque de derechos humanos, y que se sostengan estereotipos que dificultan la lucha contra diversas formas de explotación. A ello se suma que la falta de solidaridad y de compromiso con las personas refugiadas está contribuyendo a incrementar la violencia en las rutas y una vez más, mujeres y niñas son las más perjudicadas.
    “El punto central de todo estudio de la trata debe ser el reconocimiento de que vulnera numerosos derechos humanos”, afirma Teresa Fernández, abogada especializada en temas de trata de la organización Women’s Link. “Además, hay que tener en cuenta que la trata constituye una forma violencia de género y, por tanto, es una forma de discriminación por género prohibida por la normativa internacional, regional y nacional”.

    Teresa es autora, junto Carmen Miguel Juan, de un artículo titulado ‘La judicatura como garantía de protección de los derechos humanos de las víctimas de trata’, en el que argumentan cómo el enfoque de derechos humanos supone para los Estados que el epicentro de su respuesta radique en los derechos humanos de las mujeres y niñas que puedan o estén siendo explotadas, en su protección y asistencia. Así, las víctimas de trata deben de ser consideradas como sujetos y titulares de derechos y no como meros instrumentos para el correcto desarrollo del procedimiento penal o como inmigrantes en situación irregular.

    Asumir este punto de vista implicaría que todas las medidas que se tomen deberían de ser sensibles al género, es decir, tener en cuenta el distinto impacto que tienen las normativas y medidas contra la trata en hombres y mujeres. Una respuesta integral por parte del Estado requiere también que se incluyan acciones específicas que garanticen los derechos de las niñas y niños quienes tienen derecho a medidas especiales de protección en razón de su condición de menores. Según datos de la Estrategia de la Unión Europea para la erradicación de la trata de seres humanos, el 80% de las víctimas de trata son mujeres, de las cuales un 12% son niñas y, en relación con la trata para la explotación sexual, el 96% son mujeres: de ahí la necesidad de abordar este fenómeno desde una perspectiva de género y de infancia.

    Sin embargo, los derechos consagrados en nuestra legislación no siempre se cumplen. Existen casos denunciados por Women’s Link que ponen en evidencia las debilidades de un sistema en el que una vez más, las mujeres son las mayores perjudicadas, mucho más si son inmigrantes y pobres



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