Womens Justice Center



















The Liberation of Women's Energy
Will Change the World.


La liberación de la energía de la mujer cambiará el mundo


o provide advocacy, free of charge, for victims of rape, domestic violence, and child abuse, particularly in the Latina and other under served communities of Sonoma County. To provide advocacy training and community education. To promote more women and minorities in our law enforcement agencies. To commit to equal justice for all women and girls.


rindar una defensa gratuita a víctimas de violación, violencia doméstica y abuso infantil, particularmente en las comunidades hispanas y otras que no son atendidas adecuadamente en el condado de Sonoma. Proveer capacitación en defensa pública y educación comunitaria. Incrementar el número de mujeres y personas pertenecientes a minorías en nuestras agencias de aplicación de justicia. Comprometernos con la justicia igualitaria para todas las mujeres y las niñas.



News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias


 

Document URL:  PDF  
Annotation:  This research examined the extent of organized crimes’ perpetration of human trafficking in the United States and the groups and methods involved, and it makes available an online database of federally prosecuted human trafficking cases.
Abstract: 

Searches of federally prosecuted human trafficking cases in the United States indicate that there were 862 such cases between 2000 and 2015, involving 2,096 defendants. A total of 1,227 (58 percent) of the defendants operated as part of an organized criminal group.

Of the cases in which organized crime groups were engaged, 34 percent involved sex trafficking of both adults and minors; 24 percent were engaged only in sex trafficking of minors; 18 percent engaged in labor trafficking that did not involve commercial sex; and 17 percent engaged only in sex trafficking of adults.

Regarding the national origin of trafficking victims, 55 percent of adult victims of sex trafficking were foreign nationals; in cases of minor victims of sex trafficking, 92 percent were U.S. nationals; 93 percent of labor trafficking victims were foreign nationals. Of the organized-crime cases, 35 percent involved “mom and pop” operators; 33 percent of organized-crime cases involved crime rings; 6 percent of organized-crime cases involved gangs; 26 percent of the organized-crime cases involved illegal enterprises; none of the organized-crime cases involved cartel/mafia/syndicates, but there was evidence they facilitated the human trafficking operations of other types of organized criminal groups. Data on age, gender, country of origin, and motivations for human trafficking are noted, along with criminal methods.

Seven recommendations address the criminal justice community and other policymakers. 71 references and appended case search and case-coding protocols, and inmate interview protocol

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Two of America's most Hispanic cities, lashed by the devastation of hurricane Harvey, and lashed again, by Trump's racist pardoning of Sheriff Joe Arpaio!

It is a blatant racist act that President Trump has pardoned Sheriff Joe Arpaio. That Trump made his announcement of the pardoning in the exact minutes when Southeast Texas, home to some of America's most Hispanic cities, was first being hit Hurricane Harvey's devastating blows, is an unspeakable cruelty. 

The vicious and sadistic racism being displayed by the President Trump in this life threatening time for the huge Latino populations of Southeastern Texas, is a red flag that cannot be ignored. Trump's racism is clearly capable of crushing people when they're down. We can't let that happen!

It's critical in the days that follow, in whatever capacity we can, to be vigilant that all available government services reach the most vulnerable, and in a language they understand.

------admin, Women's Justice Center 

Use your language Skills

One of the biggest needs may be for translators and interpreters since Southeast Texas is home to the largest number of refugees in the US as well as a large population of immigrants. 

Spanish, Vietnamese, Arabic, and American Sign language skills could be of use to relief organisations, hospitals, radio stations, other local media outlets, and first responders - paramedics, police, fire departments. It is best to call officials and groups in the area first to determine need. 

Remember, you don't necessarily have to be in the area to help with language since no matter where you are you're just a phone call away.

Corpus Christi, Texas:

* Population over 62% Hispanic (2010 U.S. Census)

* Over 36% speak Spanish

* One of the five most Hispanic cities in the U.S (cities over 250,000 population)

*  League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) was founded in Corpus Christi

* Over 17% of the population live below the poverty line,

Cisneros v. Corpus Christi Independent School District (1970) was the first case to extend the U.S. Supreme Court's Brown v. the Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas decision (1954) to Mexican Americans. It recognized them as a minority group that could be and was frequently discriminated against.

Houston, Texas:

* 44% Hispanic

* 575,000 undocumented immigrants 

SEE: For Houston’s many undocumented immigrants, storm is just the latest challenge

 

 

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WASHINGTON ― President Donald Trump on Friday pardoned a notorious former Arizona sheriff who willfully violated a federal judge’s order by unlawfully detaining individuals his officers claimed might be in the country illegally.

Former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, who had previously proclaimed himself “America’s toughest sheriff,” was convicted of criminal contempt last month for violating a 2011 order that barred Arpaio and his office from detaining individuals solely based on suspicions about their legal status. Arpaio, 85, was scheduled to be sentenced on Oct. 5.

“Throughout his time as Sheriff, Arpaio continued his life’s work of protecting the public from the scourges of crime and illegal immigration,” the White House said in a statement late Friday. “Sheriff Joe Arpaio is now eighty-five years old, and after more than fifty years of admirable service to our Nation, he is a worthy candidate for a Presidential pardon.”

Trump’s pardon of Arpaio, the first of his presidency, amounts to a tacit endorsement of Arpaio’s discriminatory tactics and reads as a favor to a political ally. The media-savvy former sheriff, known for parading inmates around in pink underwear, supported the former reality TV star’s presidential campaign and spoke at the Republican National Convention last summer. Both men were prominent promoters of the racist conspiracy theory that former President Barack Obama wasn’t born in the United States.

Arpaio, who served as sheriff from 1993 through 2016, had long been accused of discriminatory practices against Latinos. A 2011 report by the U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division concluded there was reasonable cause to believe that Arpaio and his office engaged in a pattern or practice of unlawful policing and racial profiling. Arpaio’s officers called Latinos “wetbacks,” “Mexican bitches,” “fucking Mexicans” and “stupid Mexicans,” the Justice Department found, and Latino drivers were four to nine times as likely to be stopped by his officers as non-Latino drivers were. A lawsuit filed by the Justice Department was settled in 2015.

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SEE ALSO:

Concentration Camps Expert Says Trump Just Endorsed The Idea Of Them In U.S.

What authoritarianism experts think of Trump’s decision to pardon Joe Arpaio

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Índigenas de los Andes hacen fila para solicitar ayuda en un pueblo del departamento de Puno en Perú. Crédito: Milagros Salazar/IPS.

Índigenas de los Andes hacen fila para solicitar ayuda en un pueblo del departamento de Puno en Perú. Crédito: Milagros Salazar/IPS.

LIMA, 7 ago 2017 (IPS) - El grado de violencia de género en el ámbito familiar que existe en Perú es alarmante. No solo las estadísticas reflejan una práctica generalizada, sino que muchas peruanas tienden a aceptarla como “parte del matrimonio”.

Por ello, fue sorprendente y también comprensible que las clases sobre ese tipo de violencia en un centro de mujeres de la región de Cajamarca, estuviera siempre repletas de adolescentes y mujeres animadas.

“Muchas mujeres no protestan contra la violencia dentro del hogar porque no están tan educadas y no saben mucho”, señaló una de las participantes, y sus compañeras asintieron. “Sus esposos las insultan y les pegan, y las mujeres creen que es su culpa, que se merecen ese tipo de trato”, observó.

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The city and county prosecutor’s website promises that the Honolulu Family Justice Center is a safe haven, a domestic violence shelter that “will help victims break away from their abusers, regain their self-esteem, attain job skills and make new lives for themselves.” What the website doesn’t mention is that victims can’t bring their children to the $6.2 million shelter, which opened in November. They also must turn over their cellphones and laptops, and they will be turned away unless they promise to testify against their abusers.

While Honolulu’s prosecutor-run “shelter” with extreme strings attached is unusual, its prosecution-first, victim-second approach to domestic violence cases isn’t. Across the country, domestic violence victims who turn to law enforcement for help can be punished if they later decide that a criminal justice response isn’t in their best interest.

Want to listen to this article out loud? Hear it on Slate Voice.

At the ribbon-cutting ceremony for the Family Justice Center, prosecutor Keith Kaneshiro stood at a podium, decked out in leis, and boasted that his office “did a lot of things to help victims of domestic violence, even when the victims did not know what’s good for them.” In the eight months it has been open, just four victims have opted to stay in the 20-bed facility, says Kaneshiro’s spokesman Chuck Parker. Of those four, two of their abusers pleaded guilty or pleaded to amended charges while the other two are awaiting trial. According to Parker, “some victims have declined the offer to go to the safe house because of the rules,” but he would not specify how many had turned down the opportunity to stay in the shelter.

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Mimi Crown’s story is like millions of others that have been and are being told across America. At age 21, she was abducted and forced into sexual solicitation.

“I had to ask permission to eat, to sleep, to buy myself feminine products or even to use my phone,” Crown said of her detention. “It felt like I was in a prison that I’d never get out of. I had no limits on what I should have been doing, however, sexually. I secretly did what I could to mentally deal with this at the time.”

Sexual trafficking represents a critical threat to the well-being of this nation’s girls. In 2016 alone, the National Human Trafficking Hotline reported 7,572 human trafficking cases, with 5,551 of these cases being sexual trafficking cases. One of the least acknowledged and under-appreciated facts about the statistic, however, is that the face of the typical victim is not that of Jaycee Duggard or Amy Smart, as media depictions of sexual trafficking suggest.

The typical face of sexual trafficking in America today matches the faces of the 501 juveniles that have gone missing in the D.C. area in just the first quarter of this year. According to the FBI, 40 percent of victims of sex trafficking are African-Americans, with that number being significantly larger in the major metropolitan areas. In Los Angeles County, the African-American victim rate reaches 92 percent. In overwhelming numbers, the persons most likely to be victimized are vulnerable Black girls and women.

“Compared with other segments of the population, victimization rates for African American children and youths are even higher,” the National Center for Victims of Crime reports. “Evidence suggests that Black youths ages 12 to 19 are victims of violent crime at significantly higher rates than their white peers. Black youths are three times more likely to be victims of reported child abuse or neglect, three times more likely to be victims of robbery and five times more likely to be victims of homicide.”

Per the FBI, 59 percent of all juvenile prostitution arrests involve African-Americans. With law enforcement more likely to see a Black sex trafficking victim as a prostitute and not as someone needing help, trying to find solutions toward keeping our girls safe may require a radical examination of the core beliefs American society is currently based on.

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For the first time in decades, El Salvador’s cruel blanket ban on abortion is under threat. The country has become a symbol in the global fight for reproductive justice, very publicly denying young women life-saving abortions and incarcerating people who experience miscarriages. The El Salvador government has gone so far as to stop chemotherapy for pregnant women with cancer, and delay care to women with diagnosed ectopic pregnancies until their fallopian tubes burst. Last month, a teenager who became pregnant after repeated sexual assaults was sentenced to 30 years in prison for delivering a stillborn baby.

Now, after years of feminist organizing, El Salvador’s parliament is considering a bill that would legalize abortion in cases of rape, threat to the pregnant person’s life or when the fetus is unviable. After a series of public hearings and debates, the bill has notable support, but is still facing significant opposition from an organization called Sí a la Vida – which is funded by U.S. anti-abortion advocates.

The Guardian reports that Virginia-based non-profit Human Life International has been financing Sí a la Vida since 2000, just a few years after they successfully pushed for the full criminalization of abortion in El Salvador. Human Life International’s mission is to “provide training and tools needed to combat the Culture of Death and build a Culture of Life” – aka spreading the horrific criminalization of pregnant people. In a 2001 article titled “How to Export Pro-Life Activism” the real life inspiration for the Handmaid’s Tale then-president of Human Life International talks about the pharmaceutical industry’s supposed attack on fertility, why contraception is the same as abortion, and details HLI’s work to get El Salvador’s ban on abortion written into the country’s constitution.

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SEE ALSO:

BERNIE’S MEDICARE-FOR-ALL PLAN MUST INCLUDE ABORTION COVERAGE

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(CNN)Heather Heyer dedicated her life to standing up for those she felt were not being heard, her family and friends said. She died fighting for her beliefs and campaigning against hate.

"She was very strong in what she felt and she spoke with conviction," Heyer's close friend and co-worker Marissa Blair told Chris Cuomo on CNN's "New Day."

"She would never back down from what she believed in. And that's what she died doing, she died fighting for what she believed in. Heather was a sweet, sweet soul and she'll never be replaced, she'll never be forgotten."

    Thirty-two-year-old Heyer was killed Saturday when a car plowed into a crowd of counterprotesters gathered to oppose a "Unite the Right" rally of white nationalist and other right-wing groups. Nineteen others were injured in the incident.

    A 20-year-old man from Ohio, James Alex Fields Jr., is being held and could face a second-degree murder charge in Heyer's death.

    'Passionate about justice'

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    SEE ALSO:

    Note: Once again, suspect's domestic violence against his mother, reported to police twice, should have been a red flag! --- admin  

    Judge denies bail for man accused of ramming car into Charlottesville protesters

     

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    "The Incest Diary" is a shocking, highly literary new memoir of child sexual abuse.

    THE INCEST DIARY by Anonymous.Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 144 pp., $18.00.

    Sexual abuse in families is not rare. Yet it is almost made invisible by the layers of stigma in which it is wrapped, which are so dense as to be opaque. Consider The Incest Diary, a memoir by an anonymous woman that describes her father’s abuse of her from early childhood through adulthood. The abuse is violent and persistent. She describes his acts upon her child’s body in detail. When I saw this title in the catalog from Farrar, Straus and Giroux, I could not understand what it was doing there. FSG is a literary outfit, not the publisher of misery memoirs for the prurient.

    Such was my prejudice, and such is the prejudice of a society that thinks the victims of abuse do not quite have the right to their own experiences, including the right to turn them into literature in whatever way they please. The critical reception has demonstrated this assumption amply. In her cruel review in the Telegraph, Allison Pearson wrote that “the reader who would like it best is a pedophile,” because the book describes what pedophiles do to children. In the Times, Dwight Garner wrote, “This book offers more sensation than perspective.” He also called some of the author’s descriptions “porn lingo.”

    The crimes committed against the author of The Incest Diary have so wholly shaped her sexuality that she comes to ambivalently enjoy these encounters, and to place the rest of her sexual life in relation to them. She writes about an orgasm she has with her father that is more powerful than any she subsequently experienced in a twelve-year marriage. So yes, she writes about her father’s “big hard cock.” Porn lingo such words may be, but they are the truth about the formative role that the abuse has played in her sexuality. How can one be polite, when what one means is “big hard cock?” Should she not use the word “pussy,” because she’s talking about her dad touching it? And if those words are what it takes to communicate the truth in writing, then what other words can she use?

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    In the first of a four-part series, Al Jazeera examines the accusations of sexual abuse and exploitation against the UN.

    UN peacekeepers are sent to the most war-ravaged countries on Earth, ostensibly to help them transition to peace. 

    But some stand accused of committing crimes against the very people they are supposed to protect. 

    According to a recent investigation by the Associated Press (AP), between 2004 and 2016, the United Nations received almost 2,000 allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse against its peacekeepers. 

    The UN says it has a zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse, but survivors, activists, lawyers and human rights organisations say such crimes have been allowed to continue with impunity. 

    Through conversations with UN peacekeepers and officials, gender experts, academics, researchers and activists, as well as through an investigation of UN data, in this four-part series, we try to navigate these competing accounts to answer the question: How did some peacekeepers become predators? 

    In part one, we examine the history of accusations against the UN.

    UN peacekeepers are sent to the most war-ravaged countries on Earth, ostensibly to help them transition to peace. 

    But some stand accused of committing crimes against the very people they are supposed to protect. 

    According to a recent investigation by the Associated Press (AP), between 2004 and 2016, the United Nations received almost 2,000 allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse against its peacekeepers. 

    The UN says it has a zero-tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and abuse, but survivors, activists, lawyers and human rights organisations say such crimes have been allowed to continue with impunity. 

    Through conversations with UN peacekeepers and officials, gender experts, academics, researchers and activists, as well as through an investigation of UN data, in this four-part series, we try to navigate these competing accounts to answer the question: How did some peacekeepers become predators? 

    In part one, we examine the history of accusations against the UN.

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    La falta de solidaridad y de compromiso con las personas refugiadas contribuye al incremento de la violencia en las rutas y una vez más, mujeres y niñas son las más perjudicadas

    Madrid, 27 julio 2017, Amecopress. El 30 de julio se celebra el Día Mundial contra la Trata de Personas. Diversas ONG llevan años exigiendo la aprobación de una Ley Integral que obligue al cumplimiento de aspectos fundamentales que hoy solo son recomendaciones para las autoridades. Las organizaciones denuncian que se siga abordando como un problema de extranjería –y más concretamente de persecución de la inmigración ilegal- y no desde el enfoque de derechos humanos, y que se sostengan estereotipos que dificultan la lucha contra diversas formas de explotación. A ello se suma que la falta de solidaridad y de compromiso con las personas refugiadas está contribuyendo a incrementar la violencia en las rutas y una vez más, mujeres y niñas son las más perjudicadas.
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    “El punto central de todo estudio de la trata debe ser el reconocimiento de que vulnera numerosos derechos humanos”, afirma Teresa Fernández, abogada especializada en temas de trata de la organización Women’s Link. “Además, hay que tener en cuenta que la trata constituye una forma violencia de género y, por tanto, es una forma de discriminación por género prohibida por la normativa internacional, regional y nacional”.

    Teresa es autora, junto Carmen Miguel Juan, de un artículo titulado ‘La judicatura como garantía de protección de los derechos humanos de las víctimas de trata’, en el que argumentan cómo el enfoque de derechos humanos supone para los Estados que el epicentro de su respuesta radique en los derechos humanos de las mujeres y niñas que puedan o estén siendo explotadas, en su protección y asistencia. Así, las víctimas de trata deben de ser consideradas como sujetos y titulares de derechos y no como meros instrumentos para el correcto desarrollo del procedimiento penal o como inmigrantes en situación irregular.

    Asumir este punto de vista implicaría que todas las medidas que se tomen deberían de ser sensibles al género, es decir, tener en cuenta el distinto impacto que tienen las normativas y medidas contra la trata en hombres y mujeres. Una respuesta integral por parte del Estado requiere también que se incluyan acciones específicas que garanticen los derechos de las niñas y niños quienes tienen derecho a medidas especiales de protección en razón de su condición de menores. Según datos de la Estrategia de la Unión Europea para la erradicación de la trata de seres humanos, el 80% de las víctimas de trata son mujeres, de las cuales un 12% son niñas y, en relación con la trata para la explotación sexual, el 96% son mujeres: de ahí la necesidad de abordar este fenómeno desde una perspectiva de género y de infancia.

    Sin embargo, los derechos consagrados en nuestra legislación no siempre se cumplen. Existen casos denunciados por Women’s Link que ponen en evidencia las debilidades de un sistema en el que una vez más, las mujeres son las mayores perjudicadas, mucho más si son inmigrantes y pobres

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    Joe Arpaio, a former Arizona sheriff whose extreme stance on illegal immigration made him a household name, was convicted Monday of criminal contempt of court for ignoring a judge’s order to stop detaining people because he merely suspected them of being undocumented immigrants.

    U.S. District Judge Susan R. Bolton wrote that Arpaio had shown a “flagrant disregard” for the court’s command and that his attempt to pin the conduct on those who worked for him rang hollow.

    “Not only did Defendant abdicate responsibility, he announced to the world and to his subordinates that he was going to continue business as usual no matter who said otherwise,” Bolton wrote.

    A Justice Department spokeswoman said Arpaio faces up to six months in prison at his sentencing, which is scheduled for October 5. Arpaio’s attorney said he would appeal in order to get a trial by jury. He had been convicted after a trial in front of Bolton.

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    The Gonzales sisters — Katheryn, 8, Rebecca, 10, and Leslie, 7 — were kidnapped by their father and murdered in Colorado in 1999. (LEW SHERMAN/SPECIAL TO THE DENVER POST)

    When my client told me her abusive ex-boyfriend had shown up after a long absence, beaten her and kidnapped their children, I assumed the police would respond quickly and issue Amber alerts. But a D.C. police officer refused even to write a report, dismissing the complaint as a “private family matter” and opining, “What safer place for the children than with their dad?”

    We were met with similar indifference from the child-abduction unit supervisor, who pondered, “Isn’t possession nine-tenths of the law?” (No, it’s not.)

    The reaction of the judge in the family court’s domestic violence unit was equally alarming. She incorrectly questioned whether she had jurisdiction, now that the children were several states away. And when she learned that my client had declined her ex-boyfriend’s marriage proposal, and that he’d texted that if she wanted to see their children again she would agree to marry him, the judge said, “Aw, it sounds like he’s just heartbroken.”

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     A Summary of the Suggestions from the National Roundtable Discussion on Sexual Assault in Indian Country

    Annotation:  This is a summary of suggestions from a National Roundtable in which a multidisciplinary group of professionals with expertise in developing, implementing, or improving a sexual assault response in tribal communities met to address this issue.
    Abstract: 

    The goals of the discussion were 1) to learn about tribal efforts to develop a coordinated, systemic response to sexual violence; 2) to highlight strategies to aid other tribal communities in developing or improving their response to sexual violence; and 3) to provide Federal, State, and local responders to sexual violence in Indian country with information on creating strategies to address sexual violence in American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) communities. This report on the Roundtable highlights key strategies for addressing challenges in responding to sexual assault identified by the tribes represented in the Roundtable discussions. It also provides examples of actions taken by tribal communities. The proposed strategies are intended to address the following nine challenges: 1) getting started in addressing the problem and sustaining efforts, 2) building tribal infrastructure, 3) promoting partnerships, 4) fostering respect for AI/AN sovereignty and culture, 5) reducing victim stigma and shame, 6) meeting victims’ needs, 7) recognizing differences in response to vulnerable populations, 8) improving SANE-SAFE efforts, and 9) improving the tribal justice process. In its concluding statement, this report advises that the highlighted strategies should not be viewed as the only ways to facilitate effective responses to sexual assault in tribal communities. Most strategies are briefly introduced rather than explained comprehensively. They are intended to assist tribal leaders in their discussions of each strategy’s usefulness for their particular tribal community. Appended listing of roundtable participants and observers, a listing of resources, and 40 notes

    FULL PDF FREE ONLINE HERE

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    Comunicado de la Asociación de Mujeres Juezas de España

    La organización denuncia la desigualdad en las condiciones laborales de las empleadas del hogar y reclama el reconocimiento de los derechos de las personas cuidadoras no profesionales

    Madrid, 20 julio. 17. Amecopress. La Asociación de Mujeres Juezas de España –AMJE-, ha emitido un comunicado para reivindicar que los trabajos de cuidados, remunerados y no remunerados, a cargo mayoritariamente de mujeres, deben estar en el centro de las políticas laborales y sociales. En el texto aseguran que la sostenibilidad de la vida no puede comportar la exclusión o limitación de los derechos de miles de mujeres, cuya actividad es cuidar de las personas -menores, mayores, dependientes- y realizar trabajos domésticos.
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    El trabajo sumergido y en precario de las empleadas del hogar

    En primer lugar, el comunicado de la AMJE se centra en el sector de las empleadas del hogar, un sector laboral invisible, desprotegido y carente de representación. Su bajo estatus socioeconómico, el estigma de una actividad considerada no productiva o infravalorada y las peculiaridades del lugar de trabajo hace que sean particularmente vulnerables a la explotación y a las malas condiciones de trabajo.

    El sector del empleo doméstico en España ha sido históricamente desterrado de una gran parte de los derechos laborales, en comparación con otros colectivos similares y sigue siéndolo. En nuestro país el 95% de las personas afiliadas a la Seguridad Social en el Sistema Especial de Empleados de Hogar son mujeres -408.000 frente a 20.500 hombres-. El 45% de las personas afiliadas son extranjeras -187.000-. El Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) considera que en España un 14’4% de los más de 17 millones de hogares de nuestro país cuenta con una persona trabajadora regular que presta algún tipo de servicio doméstico, por lo que se puede concluir que un 70% de las personas presta estos servicios en economía sumergida, sin reconocimiento alguno de derechos.

    Según explica el texto, la Ley 27/2011 que integró el Régimen Especial de Empleados de Hogar como un sistema especial del Régimen General de la Seguridad Social, posibilitó una mejora de sus derechos, aflorando más de 140.000 personas que fueron dadas de alta durante el año 2012. No obstante, por Real Decreto Ley 29/2012, de 28 de diciembre se dio, de nuevo, un paso atrás trasladando, en determinados supuestos, la obligación de alta y recaudación a las propias trabajadoras, lo que ha supuesto un estancamiento de las altas en seguridad social de estas trabajadoras. De otro lado, la reforma introducida por Real Decreto 1620/2011 de 14 de noviembre, que modificó la relación laboral de carácter especial del servicio del hogar familiar, se quedó a mitad camino en la equiparación de sus derechos.

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    La Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (Unesco) publicó nuevas orientaciones de base empírica en lo tocante al papel crucial que desempeña la educación en la prevención de los embarazos precoces y no deseados, así como en la atención sobre cuestiones vinculadas con éstos.
     
    La publicación de las notas técnicas “Early and unintended pregnancy: Recommendations for the education sector” (Recomendaciones del Sector de Educación de la Unesco para la prevención de los embarazos precoces y no deseados) coincide con la Cumbre de Planificación Familiar de Londres que tuvo lugar el 10 de julio de 2017, en la que la Unesco ratificó su compromiso de apoyar la contribución de los sectores nacionales de la educación para erradicar el VIH/sida y su contribución a una mejor salud y bienestar para todos los niños y jóvenes y, en particular, para las niñas.
     
    Los países en vías de desarrollo representan 95 por ciento de los nacimientos entre las madres adolescentes, y las niñas tienen 5 veces más probabilidades de convertirse en madres cuando tienen un bajo nivel educativo. Los embarazos precoces y no deseados tienen efectos perjudiciales en la vida de las niñas adolescentes en términos de salud, situación socioeconómica y rendimiento escolar.
     
    Los riesgos fundamentales son la expulsión de la escuela y del hogar, la estigmatización por parte de la familia, la vulnerabilidad ante la violencia, la mayor pobreza y la mortalidad entre las madres y complicaciones de salud. De hecho, las complicaciones vinculadas al embarazo y al parto constituyen la segunda causa de mortalidad entre las adolescentes de 15 a 19 años de edad, con unas 70 mil adolescentes afectadas cada año.
     
    UNA MAYOR ESCOLARIZACIÓN CONLLEVA A REDUCIR LA FECUNDIDAD
     
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    Legislative action has long played an important role in the movement to end gender-based violence, often as a critical component of the grassroots activism of survivors, advocates, and other people committed to mobilizing to end gender-based violence (ICADV 2009). In order to have widespread impact and improve the laws, policies and systems that affect victims of gender-based violence, engaging in advocacy with legislators and policymakers at the local, state, and national level is essential.

    Legislators and policy makers rely on hearing from constituents and community members about ways that laws can be improved to better address domestic and sexual violence. Through legislative advocacy and “lobbying,” domestic and sexual violence organizations can work to “improve policies that are responsive to the needs and realities of survivors as well as their children and families” by connecting legislators to the needs and lived experiences of survivors in their communities (National Latin@ Network).  Lobbying is recognized as “a key way that nonprofits can advance their mission, amplify the voices of their supporters, educate policymakers, and protect their values" (Bolder Advocacy). As Nayantara Mehta writes, “Getting involved in the legislative process and having a say in policy discussions is not just an appropriate role for nonprofits; it is vital. If nonprofits are not speaking on behalf of their often-vulnerable communities, chances are nobody else is either.” (Mehta 2009).

    Nonetheless, domestic and sexual violence organizations may hesitate to participate in legislative advocacy due to concerns about or limited understanding of the restrictions on 501(c)(3) nonprofits’ lobbying activities. While some activities, such as endorsing or opposing particular candidates for public office, are strictly prohibited, Congress specifically created rules that permit nonprofit organizations to engage in lobbying, as long as it does not constitute a “substantial part” of the organization’s activities. Additionally, nonprofits can also participate in other advocacy focused on influencing public policy, described in more detail below.

    This collection is designed to provide assistance to nonprofit organizations interested in participating in legislative advocacy. Resources include materials describing the specific federal regulations limiting lobbying activities of 501(c)(3) nonprofits; details on the ways in which these organizations can participate in lobbying activities; specific information on legislative advocacy for domestic and sexual violence organizations; and useful advocacy tools and tips.

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    Our current clients include several mothers fleeing violence in Central America who eventually made it into the U.S. after being illegally turned away. We work with survivors of extreme domestic violence and persecution at the hands of transnational criminal organizations, known as “maras,” were turned away at the border by officials with statements such as “There’s no asylum for people from Honduras…” or “You can’t get asylum because you’re scared of your husband.” These statements are patently false, of course, and the precedential Board of Immigration Appeals decision, Matter of A-R-C-G-made clear that individuals fleeing domestic abuse can meet the asylum definition.

    Today several groups filed suit against the U.S. government’s Department of Homeland Security and the Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agency for turning away asylum seekers, contrary to domestic and international law.

    Along the U.S.-Mexico border, asylum seekers arrived from all over the world to present themselves to CBP to ask for protection. The right to seek asylum is enshrined in Article 33 of the United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees, which came into being in 1951 and was expanded by the 1967 Protocol. The United States signed the Protocol in 1968, enacting domestic law to implement the international agreement in 1980.  The U.S. is thus bound by the terms of the Protocol and the Convention itself, including, critically, the principle of non-refoulement — non-return of individuals to a place where they would  face persecution on account of one of the five protected grounds.

    In recent years, however, CBP has been routinely turning away vulnerable asylum seekers, forcing them to return to Mexico without allowing them to pursue their right to claim asylum.  This illegal practice has worsened as CBP officers became emboldened following the election and inauguration of Donald Trump as U.S. President. Indeed, in January 2017, several groups filed a complaint with the Department of Homeland Security’s Offices of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties and Inspector General, alleging systemic abuses at the border. In March, the U.S. government failed to even show up to defend their practices before the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights, a session which included testimony from multiple groups on the illegal turning away of asylum seekers at the border.

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    From left: Backpage.com chief executive Carl Ferrer, co-founder James Larkin, chief operating officer Andrew Padilla and co-founder Michael Lacey are sworn in on Capitol Hill on Jan. 10 before a Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs subcommittee hearing into Backpage.com's alleged facilitation of online sex trafficking. All invoked their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. (Cliff Owen/AP)

    A contractor for the controversial classifieds website Backpage.com has been aggressively soliciting and creating sex-related ads, despite Backpage’s repeated insistence that it had no role in the content of ads posted on its site, according to a trove of newly discovered documents.

    The documents show that Backpage hired a company in the Philippines to lure advertisers — and customers seeking sex — from sites run by its competitors. The spreadsheets, emails, audio files and employee manuals were revealed in an unrelated legal dispute and provided to The Washington Post.

    Workers in the Philippine call center scoured the Internet for newly listed sex ads, then contacted the people who posted them and offered a free ad on Backpage.com, the documents show. The contractor’s workers even created each new ad so it could be activated with one click.

    Workers also created phony sex ads, offering “fresh young sweet simple girl” or “Little Angel Seeks Daddy,” adding photos of barely clad women and explicit sex patter, the documents show. The workers posted the ads on competitors’ websites. Then, when a potential customer expressed interest, an email directed that person to Backpage.com, where they would find authentic ads, spreadsheets used to track the process show.

    For years, Backpage executives have adamantly denied claims made by members of Congress, state attorneys general, law enforcement and sex-abuse victims that the site has facilitated prostitution and child sex trafficking. Backpage argues it is a passive carrier of “third-party content” and has no control of sex-related ads posted by pimps, prostitutes and even organized trafficking rings. The company contends it removes clearly illegal ads and refers violators to the police.

    The discovery could be a turning point in the years-long campaign by anti-human trafficking groups, and Congress, to persuade Backpage to stop hosting prostitution ads, which many teenage girls have claimed were used to sell them for sexual exploitation. Lawsuits and criminal prosecutions of Backpage in the United States have nearly all failed because Backpage cites in its defense the federal Communications Decency Act, which grants immunity to websites that merely host or screen content posted by others.

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    SEE ALSO:

    Congresswomen press Sessions to investigate sexual ads at Backpage.com

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    “We will not be intimidated into silence.”

    By Alanna Vagianos

    Women’s March organizers have announced that they will host a protest against the NRA. 

    The protest, which will be held in Virginia on July 14, is in response to a recent ad published by the NRA which insinuates that “law-abiding” citizens need to arm themselves against violent anti-Trump protestors. The ad, which featured conservative talk-show host Dana Loesch, was widely criticized, with many people calling out the NRA for publishing such a dangerous and outrageous video.

    Included in the backlash was an open letter from Women’s March co-chair Tamika Mallory, written to the Executive Vice President of the NRA, Wayne LaPierre. In her letter, Mallory demanded that the NRA take down the dangerous ad and apologize to the American people. 

    Only July 1 ― only three days after Mallory published her open letter to LaPierre ― the NRA responded with another equally disturbing ad. This time, the four-minute clip titled “We Don’t Apologize For Telling The Truth” features conservative talk-show host Grant Stinchfield defending the [NRA’s] original ad from the “violent left” and specifically calling out Mallory.

    “I’m talking to you Tamika Mallory. You wrote a letter to the NRA on behalf of the Women’s March claiming our ‘Clenched Fist of Truth’ ad was an attack on minority communities ” Stinchfield said in the video. “You call it dangerous and demand it to be taken down? I’m here to tell you not a chance.”

    Watch the full NRA ad featuring Stinchfield below. 

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    Document URL: 

    PDF   
    Annotation:  This second edition of “Free To Tell the Truth” updates Pennsylvania judges on the nature of and judicial means to counter the intimidation of witnesses and court personnel in efforts to influence the outcome of court proceedings.
    Abstract:  This bench book is intended as a reference source for the Pennsylvania judiciary in identifying the body of law in Pennsylvania and other jurisdictions that addresses intimidation as a means of influencing court proceedings. It also identifies the forms of witness intimidation and jury interference, and recommends best practices for protecting court proceedings from intimidation. Among the forms of intimidation examined are actual or attempted physical violence or property damage; explicit threats of physical violence or property damage; economic threats against victims, particularly in domestic violence cases; and indirect or implicit threats. The latter may include anonymous phone calls or internet postings, publicly communicating the fact of a particular witness’ cooperation with the prosecution, or repeatedly driving past the residence of a witness. Even in the absence of specific conduct or threats of intimidation, the prevalence of organized criminal activity and violence in a community instills fear in witnesses that they are at risk of being targeted for death or violent attacks. A lengthy list of various forms of witness intimidation are outlined. This is followed by descriptions of eight measures judges can authorize to create a safe and secure courtroom. Another chapter focuses on judicial responses to witness intimidation in terms of both prevention and punishments. Recent relevant case law is appended.

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    By Diya Uberoi and Beatriz Galli in  SUR International Journal on Human Rights, 24 (Dec 2016)  [Special Issue on “Women: Movements, Successes and Obstacles"

    ABSTRACT

    The years have seen a rise in the use of conscientious objection (CO) as means to deny women their sexual reproductive health rights. While states have an obligation under international human rights law to protect the freedom of thought, conscience and religion of people, they also have obligations to protect the right to the highest attainable standard of health and other fundamental rights. Over the years, International and regional human rights bodies have indicated the need for CO to be limited so as to protect women’s rights.

    As a means to balance both rights of medical service providers to exercise their moral beliefs and to protect the right to health of women, countries around the world have also sought different ways to regulate the use of CO. Whereas in some countries, some developments have been made to regulate CO so as to protect fundamental rights of women, in others, few guidelines exist in order to ensure availability of services for women in case refusals are made. This article provides an overview of policies regulating CO in Latin America. It considers the regulation of CO under both international law and under various state laws within the region. It suggests that if women’s reproductive rights are to become a reality, then there is a real need that states as well as international and regional human rights bodies continue to find ways to clarify frameworks around CO, so that grounds of conscience do not become an excuse to deny women realisation of their fundamental rights.

    Direct Link to FREE FULL TEXT:  http://sur.conectas.org/en/refusing-reproductive-health-services-on-grounds-of-conscience-in-latin-america/

    Overview.  English edition.    Spanish edition.    Portuguese edition.

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