Womens Justice Center

The Liberation of Women's Energy
Will Change the World. *

La liberación de la energía de la mujer cambiará el mundo

o provide advocacy, free of charge, for victims of rape, domestic violence, and child abuse, particularly in the Latina and other under served communities of Sonoma County. To provide advocacy training and community education. To promote more women and minorities in our law enforcement agencies. To commit to equal justice for all women and girls.

rindar una defensa gratuita a víctimas de violación, violencia doméstica y abuso infantil, particularmente en las comunidades hispanas y otras que no son atendidas adecuadamente en el condado de Sonoma. Proveer capacitación en defensa pública y educación comunitaria. Incrementar el número de mujeres y personas pertenecientes a minorías en nuestras agencias de aplicación de justicia. Comprometernos con la justicia igualitaria para todas las mujeres y las niñas.

News Round-up ~ Resumen de noticias



Excellent Congressional briefing on May 25, 2016

The Science of Trauma Congressional Briefing, sponsored by U. S. Senator Heidi Heitkamp.


The Science of Trauma Congressional Briefing

Dear Mom, I'm so Sorry You Grew Up Living With Domestic Violence
By Brian F. Martin

Founder of CDV.ORG & author of the New York Times Bestseller INVINCIBLE: The 10 Lies You Learn Growing Up With Domestic Violence & the Truths to Set You Free

Dear Mom, I'm so Sorry You Grew Up Living With Domestic Violence 


A card for Mother's Day takes time to pick out. For a person who grew up living with domestic violence, it takes even longer. There is so much they want to say, but Hallmark hasn't quite captured the language.

If I were to write one, I would probably start out with, "On this Mother's Day, I want to tell you something that I never told you. 'I'm so sorry that you grew up living with domestic violence.'"

Read the full article 

Documentary: "What Doesn't Kill Me"

If you are a protective mother in the United Kingdom and would like to be filmed for What Doesn't Kill Me, a documentary about custody and domestic violence, please contact Rachel Meyrick at Whatdoesntkillme@icloud.com

Film trailer for "What doesn't kill me" a documentary

Why Self-Compassion Works Better Than Self-Esteem

Here are some ways to comfort yourself, and teach your children to do the same, even in the midst of this terrible war against mothers and children. 

Why Self-Compassion Works Better Than Self-Esteem

Boosting your ego won't make you feel better. Instead, try talking to yourself like you would your best friend.

By Olga Khazan 

May 6, 2016 

In 1986, California state assemblyman John Vasconcellos came up with what he believed could be "a vaccine for major social ills" like teen pregnancy and drug abuse: a special task-force to promote self-esteem among Californians. The effort folded three years later, and was widely considered not to have accomplished much.

To Kristin Neff, a psychology professor at the University of Texas, that's not surprising. Though self-esteem continues to reverberate as a pop-psych cure-all, the quest for inflated egos, in her view, is misguided and largely pointless.

There's nothing wrong with being confident, to answer Demi Lovato's question. The trouble is how we try to achieve high self-regard. Often, it's by undermining others or comparing our achievements to those around us. That's not just unsustainable, Neff argues, it can also lead to narcissism or depressive bouts during hard times.

Neff proposes a better path: Self-compassion. In other words, treating yourself just like you would your best friends, even when they (you) screw up.

Read the full article

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STOCKHOLM, Sweden — The Swedish government says women in Burma can count on its support in furthering gender equality and protecting them from violence over the next four years.

Under Sweden’s recently adopted National Action Plan for 2016-20, Burma has been identified as one of 12 specially prioritized conflict or post-conflict countries struggling to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and subsequent resolutions on Women, Peace and Security.

With Burma home to the world’s longest-running ongoing armed conflict, Burmese women have suffered sexual violence and other forms of abuse in conflict-affected areas for decades. In the country’s ongoing peace process, women have largely been excluded from participation, and women’s rights advocates say the few women who are officially involved in negotiations are not accorded the same voice as their male counterparts.

The action plan adopted earlier this month is mainly focused on strengthening women’s participation in the country’s peace process and state-building, and protecting them from harm. Efforts will be underpinned by the crux of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325: Passed in 2000, it highlights “the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.”

The structure of the action plan emphasizes approaching issues of Women, Peace and Security from a gendered perspective.


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Guest Editor: Anne T Gallagher

Prosecuting human trafficking is widely viewed as one of the main pillars of an effective national response to trafficking. But worldwide, the number of prosecutions for trafficking and related exploitation remains stubbornly low, especially when compared to the generally accepted size of the problem. Very few traffickers are ever brought to justice and the criminal justice system rarely operates to benefit those who have been trafficked.

Issue 6 of the Anti-Trafficking Review analyses human trafficking prosecutions in different regions of the world and from a range of different perspectives. With five themed articles focusing on Russia, the United States, the Balkans and Western Europe, the issue provides important insights into the practical and policy issues surrounding human trafficking prosecutions.



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BRASÍLIA — Shortly after midnight on Wednesday, 20-year-old Michel Brasil da Silva uploaded a 30-second clip to Twitter, accompanied by the words: “They smashed the chick. Do you get it or do you not get it? lol”

The clip showed an undressed, unconscious woman lying on a bare mattress. She was being filmed by two men, both fully dressed, who took turns manhandling and mocking her.

“This one just got knocked up by 30 guys,” one of them says.

“Check out the state she’s in. Bleeding,” says the other, directing the camera toward her visibly injured genitals. At one point, the man positioned his head next to the unresponsive woman’s buttocks, stuck out his tongue, and took a selfie.

The footage set off a firestorm on social media and brought national attention to thereported gang-rape of a 16-year-old by as many as 33 men in Rio de Janeiro over the weekend — a crime the police had no knowledge of until social media users contacted them en masse.


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Estado de Bolivia

May 18 of 2016

Dejusticia intervenes before the Inter-American Court on Human Rights in the case of a migrant woman in Bolivia who was sterilized without her informed consent.

En el amicus curie, Dejusticia interviene para explicar cómo el ámbito médico se convierte, frecuentemente, en un lugar para el ejercicio de prejuicios contra las mujeres; y como en este caso los médicos ejercieron un 'control paternalista' sobre el cuerpo de la paciente.

Igualmente solicitamos a la Corte que, en aras de prevenir la repetición de estos hechos, ordene garantías de no repetición consistentes en la adopción de  programas de educación y formación dirigidos a los estudiantes de medicina y profesionales médicos, así como a la población en general, además de la adecuación de sus normas y manuales internos sobre consentimiento informado de acuerdo a estándares internacionales.

Responsables: César Rodríguez GaravitoDiana Guarnizo y Ciara O'Conell

Responsible: César Rodríguez Garavito, Diana Guarnizo

  • Gender discrimination


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The Inter-American Court of Human Rights recently heard its second reproductive rights case, IV v. BoliviaThis case deals with the sterilization of a migrant Bolivian woman who did not give prior informed consent to the doctors who performed her sterilization. The judgment will be released in the coming months, and is expected to be the first Inter-American Court case to apply the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (“Convention of Belém do Pará”). to a woman’s reproductive rights case. This is especially exciting because the Court’s first reproductive rights case, Artavia Murillo et al. (“In vitro fertilization”) v. Costa Rica failed to examine women’s reproductive rights violations through the Convention of Belém do Pará, which ultimately resulted in reparations that were gender-free. The IV v. Bolivia case presents an opportunity for the Inter-American Court to connect gender stereotyping to forced sterilization. It also provides a forum for the Court to expand upon its gender-based analysis in previous women’s rights cases in order to frame reproductive violations within a violence against women framework.

Ciara O’Connell (University of Sussex) and representatives from Dejusticia,  Diana Guarnizo-Peralta and César Rodríguez Garavito, submitted an amicus curiae brief in this case  in order to emphasize the need to repair gender-based harm in reproductive rights cases. The amicus reviews the Inter-American Court’s jurisprudence in relation to gender stereotyping, and in doing so highlights the advancements and shortcomings in how the Court defines the role of women in society. The amicus suggests that the sterilization of “IV” was not an individual violation, but rather, this case is emblematic and represents a culture of gender-based discrimination and “paternalistic control” within the Bolivian medical sector. The final elements of the amicus suggest specific reparation measures designed to address gender discrimination and stereotyping, and the need to comply with international standards on informed consent.

If you’re interested, the amicus can be downloaded here in both English and Spanish.

And, the public hearing before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights can be viewed here.

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Religious fundamentalisms are gaining ground within communities, political systems, international arenas with devastating effects for ordinary people, and for women in particular.  There is an urgent need to resist religious fundamentalist advances, and development actors are in a position to take a strong role in this.


This two-page brief suggests concrete ways that development actors can take action to avoid strengthening religious fundamentalist groups and ideologies. It proposes that development actors and women’s movements work together to address this problem.

The brief is adapted from AWID’s publication The Devils is in the Details: At the nexus of development, women’s rights, and religious fundamentalisms (Ayesha Imam, 2016).

Both the paper and this brief suggest action in the following areas:

  1. Acting on the “warning signs” of fundamentalisms
  2. Addressing the structural roots of fundamentalisms
  3. Choosing the right partners for development work
  4. Doing away with homogenizing identities
  5. Promoting a feminist understanding of religion, culture, and tradition
  6. Addressing marginalization, including racism
  7. Supporting autonomous women’s movements

Download the 7 Pointers

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Madrid, 23 mayo. 16. AmecoPress. Las mujeres que viven en Jordania tienen graves dificultades para acceder a servicios sociales tan básicos como la salud y para poder vivir una vida libre de violencia. Una extrema vulnerabilidad que empeora en situaciones de conflicto, como el escenario actual, con una guerra civil en la vecina Siria que ha obligado a millones de personas a abandonar sus hogares para huir de la devastación y la violencia, colapsando la capacidad de acogida de los países colindantes. Tal es el caso de Jordania, que desde el inicio de la crisis ha acogido a más de 600.000 personas refugiadas dentro de sus fronteras. En ese ámbito, Alianza por la Solidaridad proporciona asistencia humanitaria dando apoyo psicosocial, legal y atención en salud sexual y reproductiva de mujeres y niñas. Entrevistamos a la coordinadora de estos proyectos, Cristina Muñoz.


Cristina lleva más de diez años dedicada al trabajo internacional humanitario y de cooperación al desarrollo en varios países donde ha vivido y trabajado: Timor Oriental, Tíbet, Líbano, Jordania y Palestina. Es, sobre todo, una defensora de los derechos de las mujeres que sabe que el patriarcado es universal y ejerce su opresión apropiándose de las particularidades de cada cultura y religión. Para cambiar tenemos que hacer frente al machismo desde el contexto en el que nos hemos formado y no imponer nuestra visión del mundo ni enjuiciar a mujeres que viven en otros territorios con otras peculiaridades, sino solidarizarnos con ellas.

Cuéntanos un poco del proyecto que lleváis a cabo en Jordania. Cuándo empezó, con qué población trabajáis.


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Annotation:  This article reports on the prevalence of weapons involved in the victimization of youth, with emphasis on weapons with a “high lethality risk” and how such exposure fits into the broader victimization and life experiences of children and adolescents.
Abstract:  Estimates from the Second National Survey of Children’s Exposure to Violence indicate that approximately 17.5 million youth in the United States have been exposed to violence involving a weapon in their lifetimes as witnesses or victims, or approximately one in four children. More than 2 million youth in the United States (1 in 33) have been directly assaulted in incidents where the high lethality risk weapons of guns and knives were used. Differences were noted between victimizations involving higher and lower lethality risk weapons as well as between any weapon involvement versus none. Poly-victims, youth with seven or more victimization types, were particularly likely to experience victimization with any weapon, as well as victimization with a highly lethal weapon compared with nonpoly-victims. These findings add to the field’s broadening conceptualization of youth victimization, highlighting the potentially highly consequential risk factor of weapon exposure as a component of victimization experiences on the mental health of youth. Further work on improving gun safety practices and taking steps to reduce children's exposure to weapon-involved violence is warranted to reduce this problem. Data were collected as part of the Second National Survey of Children’s Exposure to Violence, a nationally representative telephone survey of youth ages 2 to 17 years and caregivers (N = 4,114) conducted in 2011. (Publisher abstract modified)


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A former Yale student has struggled for years to get the government to investigate her claims that a professor harassed her and that the school mishandled the case.

A federal complaint filed against Yale University claims the Ivy League school violated the gender equity law Title IX multiple times between 2010 and 2015 by mishandling reports that one of its well-known professors, Thomas Pogge, harassed students. 


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“Patriarchy and racism means I’m less likely to be thought the doctor, so that allows me to hide in the open.”


COPENHAGEN — In 2014, black abortion provider Dr. Willie Parker was talking to a white reporter from New York City at the “Pink House” — the last remaining abortion clinic in Mississippi — when the reporter asked Parker if he ever feared for his safety. As Parker and the reporter, John Richardson for Esquire, prepared to exit the Jackson clinic through the throng of protesters screaming outside, the doctor half-seriously warned Richardson that he was the one who should be afraid: People looking at the two of them would assume the white man is the doctor, he said. 

“I told him, because he had never been to the South before, ‘When we walk out this door, just so you know, if they’re gonna shoot somebody, it’s probably going to be you and not me,’” Parker, 54, told The Huffington Post in an interview at a global women’s health conference in Copenhagen.

“He found a chuckle in that, but he really began to think about what it meant that people who are extreme on this issue also have issues around race and class,” he said. 


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  • Manifiesto del Círculo Estatal de Podemos Feminismos

    Líneas moradas

    Propuestas del Círculo Feminista Estatal ante el 26J

  • Madrid, 17 mayo. 16. AmecoPress. A continuación reproducimos el texto del Manifiesto del Círculo Estatal de Podemos Feminismos, llamado Líneas Moradas, que recoge propuestas ante las elecciones que se celebrarán el próximo 26 junio y que anda circulando por las redes en busca de adhesiones. Teniendo en cuenta que, conquistas históricas feministas como los principios éticos y (...)  LEER MÁS

  • Feministas de IU critican el contenido del acuerdo con Podemos

    Madrid, 17 mayo. 16. AmecoPress. El acuerdo firmado entre IU y Podemos para concurrir a las próximas elecciones del 26 de junio ha provocado muchas reacciones. Entre otras, el Área de la Mujer de IU ha manifestado su “más que seria inquietud” por algunos de los puntos del acuerdo y las posibles decisiones futuras. En una misiva dirigida a la dirección federal de IU el Área (...) LEER MÁS

    Comunicado del Partido Feminista de España

  • Y ante el tema del uso igualitario de los lenguajes existe una resistencia brutal al cambio por parte del patriarcado porque este conoce el verdadero poder transformador de las palabras

    El "UNIDOS" y las mujeres

    Sin las mujeres no hay democracia real. Sin las propuestas feministas no puede haber cambio real. Y sin cambio real sólo son sopas de letras. Y como a la genial Mafalda, no me gusta la sopa

  • Ontinyent – Valencia, 17 may. 16. AmecoPress.- Esta semana se llegaba a un acuerdo de confluencia entre Izquierda Unida y PODEMOS para acudir conjuntamente a las elecciones generales del próximo 26 de junio. Al parecer uno de los escollos importantes que se tuvieron que sortear fue el nombre con el que acudirían a las urnas. Al final hubo fumata blanca y se acordó el de (...)


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The Los Angeles school district will pay $88 million to settle sexual abuse cases at two elementary schools where complaints about the teachers behavior had surfaced long before their arrest, officials confirmed Monday. 

The settlement with 30 children and their families, finalized over the weekend, is the second largest in district history, and brings a dark chapter to an apparent close.


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This 15 May is the International Day of Families. So what’s this all about - and what do families, human rights and gender justice have to do with one another?

Established principles of international human rights law uphold the rights of all individuals within families to be

  • free of coercion, violence and discrimination;
  • free to found families on an equal basis; and
  • free to become a part of diverse forms of families around the world.

Yet today we stand witness to ongoing violations of these intrinsic rights across regions - including intimate partner violence and child abuse, harmful practices, stigmatization, and unequal family laws - and the failure of states to ensure these rights and to hold perpetrators accountable.

And at the same time, conservative actors are leading the charge at the UN and other human rights spaces to undermine and chip away at our rights protections themselves. Ironically, many of these actors use emerging discourses around ‘the family’ to defend violations committed against family members, to bolster and justify impunity, and to restrict equal rights within and to family life.


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It doesn't take much to catch the eye of ISIS recruiters, who aggressively monitor social media.

"The moment you indicate any sort of interest in ISIS or ask any questions about it on a social platform, you get 500 new followers on Twitter, you get 500 friends on Facebook, you start getting emails and messages constantly—it's a kind of love bombing," explains Mia Bloom, Georgia State University professor and author of Bombshell: Women and Terrorism, of the remarkably systematic way the process works. "All of a sudden, you feel really popular, important, and significant because of this flood of attention. And it all wraps up in the same ideology they message over and over: ISIS can give you something emotionally and psychologically that you will not have unless you come to the Islamic State."

On Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and Tumblr, users indicate their allegiance by using the moniker "IS," "Islamic State," or  "Dawlah" (the group's preferred names) in their private profiles. Some feature the ISIS flag in their banner or profile picture, while others post photos dotted with the symbol. Many boast in their bios about how many times their accounts had been shut down and direct followers to alternative accounts.


After a recruiter makes initial contact, they will take the conversation to more private online platforms like Kik, WhatsApp, or, the new favorite, Telegram, an encrypted messaging app which gives senders the option to have a message self-destruct after it's read. (Recruiting efforts used to be more public but, in February, Twitter announced that it had suspended 125,000 ISIS-related accounts. A few discreet public accounts located by MarieClaire.com feature links leading to the website justpaste.it, where ISIS members can post propaganda that goes undetected by search engines. Users can only access the pages with an exact link.)

ISIS sympathizers posting propaganda could be anywhere in the world: Syria, Iraq, or sitting in a coffee shop in the Midwest. But for those who travel to ISIS-controlled territory, recruiting takes on an official capacity. Many of the Western women who join the Islamic State are sent to a room and given the full-time job of recruiting women just like them, explains Anne Speckhard, author of the study Brides of ISIS: The Internet Seduction of Western Females into ISIS.


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Según estudio “Estado de las madres en México: embarazo y maternidad en la adolescencia”}.

2013 a 2014 se registraron 394 nacimientos de madres de 10 años AmecoPress/SemMéxico.- El embarazo en adolescentes va en aumento en México, donde mujeres menores de 20 años paren uno de cada cinco nacimientos, situación que deriva del incumplimiento de los derechos fundamentales de este grupo etario.

Así lo dijo María Josefina Menéndez, Directora Ejecutiva (CEO) de Save The Children en México durante la presentación del estudio “Estado de las madres en México: embarazo y maternidad en la adolescencia”.


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Title:  Effects of Moms and Teens for Safe Dates: A Dating Abuse Prevention Program for Adolescents Exposed to Domestic Violence
Document URL:  HTML   
  This randomized controlled trial evaluated a dating abuse prevention program designed specifically for adolescents exposed to domestic violence, who are at high risk for dating abuse.

Overall, the findings suggest that a dating abuse prevention program designed for adolescents exposed to domestic violence can have important positive effects. Program effects on psychological and physical victimization and psychological and cyber perpetration were moderated by the amount of adolescent exposure to domestic violence; there were significant favorable program effects for adolescents with higher, but not lower levels of exposure to domestic violence. There were no moderated or main effects on sexual violence victimization and perpetration or cyber victimization.

Moms and Teens for Safe Dates consisted of six mailed booklets of dating abuse prevention information and interactive activities. Mothers who had been victims of domestic violence but no longer lived with the abuser delivered the program to their adolescents who had been exposed to the abuse. Mother and adolescent pairs (N = 409) were recruited through community advertising; the adolescents ranged from 12 to 16 years old and 64 percent were female. Mothers and adolescents completed baseline and 6-month follow-up telephone interviews. Booklet completion in the treatment group ranged from 80 percent for the first to 62 percent for the last booklet.

The analyses first tested whether program effects on dating abuse varied by four a priori identified moderators (mother’s psychological health, the amount of adolescent exposure to domestic violence, and adolescent sex and race/ethnicity). Main effects of the program were examined when there were no differential program effects. (Publisher abstract modified)

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Two Spanish cases currently pending before the European Court of Human Rights illustrate gaping lacunae in the protections extended to victims of trafficking on the continent.  They also, however, offer a unique opportunity to broaden this protection by recognizing, for the first time, that the trafficking of human beings is a form of slavery and violence that constitutes discrimination against women and girls. By linking trafficking and discrimination (in the same way that it linked domestic violence with gender discrimination in cases like Opuz vs. Turkey), and thereby requiring that States appropriately protect victims of trafficking and refrain from further discriminatory treatment against them, the Court would provide much more robust safeguards for some of the most vulnerable women in Europe.




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This new and practical guide for violence-against-women practitioners is focused on strategic prevention messaging and work with media. 

Full guide for download                  

Eleven ways to boost your work with news media: How to help the media to report prevention of violence against women

 [PDF Format] [Word Format]

 Individual sections for download     Introduction to the resource [PDF Format]     1. Plan for your capacity [PDF Format]        2. Recognise the complexity of PVAW work [PDF Format]     3. Know some Media Industry basics [PDF Format]        4.Be responsive to news immediacy and deadlines [PDF Format]                5. Prepare tailored PVAW messages for all communications (including tricky questions) [PDF Format]           6. Keep key statistics at hand [PDF Format]         7.Be responsive to media requests for personal stories [PDF Format]          8.Know some basics about giving comment or media interviews [PDF Format]        9. Build the newsworthiness of your content [PDF Format]       10. Build media trust and commitment to PVAW [PDF Format]        11. Work with Media & Communications staff [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 1: Critical themes and concepts for PVAW messaging [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 2:Useful statistics and evidence on VAW [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 3: Characteristics of key messages [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 4: Further Resources [PDF Format]        Quick Reference Supplement 5: Glossary [PDF Format]

Delivering clear and accurate information and messages about prevention of violence against women to the media is not always easy. We have a current opportunity to provide information and evidence about prevention of violence against women to the media in ways that make it more accessible and engaging for the community. 

Working more effectively with the news media industry requires developing skills that include knowledge of the media industry and its business requirements, being responsive to media agendas and requests, providing accessible content, and finding proactive ways to build news interest and nuance in the reporting of prevention of violence against women.

This guide is aimed at practitioners working on violence-against-women response, early-intervention and prevention services and programs who want to work more effectively with media to communicate key messages about prevention of violence against women. It provides tools, tips and food for thought, including critical 'themes' and content for messaging on prevention of violence against women.

The guide addresses Actions 2.1 and 2.2 of Working with news and social media to prevent violence against women and their children: A Strategic Framework for Victoria and draws from the recently released national framework Change the Story (Our Watch 2015)

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Observatorio de la Violencia doméstica y de género del Consejo General del Poder Judicial

 El pasado 19 de abril organizaciones feministas, miembros del Observatorio estatal contra la violencia de género y organizaciones especializadas en la prevención de la violencia machista presentaron una queja conjunta ante el Observatorio de la violencia doméstica y de género del Consejo General del Poder Judicial y ante el Ministerio de Justicia por el uso que se está haciendo del Síndrome de alienación parental (SAP) por parte de la Jueza titular del juzgados de 1º Instancia e Instrucción nº 5 de Talavera de la Reina, Ana Belén Gómez Dorado, así como por parte del Instituto de Medicina Legal de Toledo y el psicólogo forense Maxim Wilberg Nodal, en el caso de la custodia de la hija de Susana Guerrero.

La presidenta del Observatorio de la Violencia doméstica y de género del Consejo General del Poder Judicial, Ángeles Carmona, ha respondido a la queja informando de que “se ha remitido la queja presentada a la Unidad de Atención Ciudadana, que forma parte del servicio de acción disciplinaria, para que, en caso que así se decida, revise la actuación judicial en este caso, acumulando a ésta, todas las quejas que sobre asuntos en materia de familia se hayan presentado en ese juzgado”.

A su vez, Carmona ha manifestado que en la próxima reunión del Pleno del Observatorio, prevista para el mes de mayo, se incluirá en el orden del día la actualización de la guía de criterios de actuación de actuación judicial en materia de violencia de género, en la que se tratará el tema del SAP.


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"En el metro, un imbécil me tocó por todas partes y se masturbaba. Nadie me ayudó aunque lloré y grité. Tenía 16 años"

Madrid, 26 abr. 16. AmecoPress.- Mensajes como estos han hecho que el hashtag #MiPrimerAcoso se convirtiera en trending topic en las redes sociales y en una campaña global contra el acoso sexual.

Iniciada en México con motivo de la gran protesta contra la violencia de género que tuvo lugar este fin de semana, el hashtag y las historias compartidas han indignado a miles de mujeres que desafortunadamente se han sentido identificadas con las micro-historias compartidas y se han animado también a compartir sus primeras experiencias de acoso sexual.

• #MiPrimerAcoso Tenía 11 años y un tipo pasó en una bicicleta y me apretó un seno. Una señora en la calle me culpó por llevar esa blusa.

• #MiPrimerAcoso En un autobús de largo recorrido, me desperté con la mano de un barbudo bajo mi falda, sus dedos entre mis piernas.

• #MiPrimerAcoso En el metro, un imbécil me tocó por todas partes y se masturbaba. Nadie me ayudó aunque lloré y grité. Tenía 16 años.

• #MiPrimerAcoso En el camión un tipo siempre buscaba repegarmela, un día me harte y le di un codazo, todo mundo me miro a mi y no a él.

• #Miprimeracoso A mis 9 años en el trolebus, me avergüenza tanto que no soy capaz de compartirlo públicamente. 

Vergüenza. Humillación. Tristeza. Indignación. Trauma. Son algunos de los sentimientos que ha suscitado en miles de mujeres esta campaña virtual al tener que recordar momentos que muchas habían preferido olvidar. Las historias compartidas han vuelto a evidenciar que el acoso callejero es algo que sufrimos todas las mujeres, algo tolerado, aceptado y en algunos casos hasta promovido por nuestra sociedad patriarcal que en nada depende de nuestro comportamiento ni vestimenta. No son nuestras faldas, no son nuestros escotes, no es nuestra edad, no es la hora, ni es el lugar. No somos nosotras.


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Trainings’ use of ‘cartoonish, unrealistic’ examples could be partially to blame for men’s subsequent dismissal of allegations, says Berkeley professor

Sexual harassment courses aimed at preventing workplace discrimination can have the opposite effect, making men less capable of perceiving inappropriate behavior and more likely to blame victims, according to academic studies that cast doubt on traditional training programs.

One researcher who has questioned the effectiveness of harassment prevention classes is Lauren Edelman, a professor of law and sociology at the University of California Berkeley, the prestigious school that has been at the center of a series of high-profile faculty misconduct scandals in recent months.

“Sexual harassment training may, in fact, make it less likely that males will recognize situations that are harassing,” said Edelman, a faculty member in the renowned UC Berkeley law school, where Sujit Choudhry resigned as dean after he was found to have sexually harassed his executive assistant. “Sexual harassment training may provoke backlash in males.”

Studies testing the effects of harassment training are very limited, but some research has suggested counterintuitive and troubling consequences – that after men complete trainings, they may be more inclined to brush aside allegations and discount victims.

Some researchers believe trainings have no positive effects, tend to be more about legal cover than meaningful prevention or may even have unintended negative consequences – raising serious concerns about the way colleges and companies heavily focus on training as a solution to harassment.


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For centuries in the United States, child labor was all too common.

Despite efforts from educators to encourage primary school, an immigration boom in the latter half of the 19th century resulted in a new pool of child workers. The influx of low-earning, compliant young laborers coincided with the rapid expansion of industrial positions in mills and factories.

Children worked long hours, often in cramped, dangerous conditions, to help support their families.

At the turn of the 20th century, social reformers took aim at child labor.

The National Child Labor Committee used photography to bring attention to the children's abysmal working conditions and push for reform at the state level.

1. Lalar Blanton, 10, sneaks a glimpse outside during her shift at the Rhodes Manufacturing Co. in Lincolnton, North Carolina. (1908)


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The corporate denial of violation of human rights in the death of Berta Cáceres reveals the web of complicities and impunity that prompted her assassination.

Berta Cáceres was killed while sleeping in her home in La Esperanza, Honduras on 3rd March 2016. Over the past few years, she had been harassed, and received multiple death threats for her role in the movements she led opposing the Agua Zarca dam project. The project threatened to cut off the water supply to the Indigenous Lenca community in Honduras, depriving them of the right to sustainably manage and live off their territories and sacred river.

Cáceres won the 2015 Goldman Environmental Prize for her work. But even before her death she had already paid a heavy price for her activism, because of which, her daughters and son had been forced to leave the country as their lives were under threat. Less than two weeks after Berta’s murder, 150 families members of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), founded by Berta, were evicted from the community of Rio Lindo, Cortés, by the Military Police and the Special Force ‘Cobras’.  And Nelson García, also a member of COPINH, who had assisted families evicted earlier in the day, was murdered.

Berta Caceres

© Goldman Prize, Berta Cáceres and local assembly community members campaigning against the Agua Zarca dam.


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CIMACFoto: César Martínez López

Por: Lydia Cacho

Cimacnoticias | Ciudad de México.- 25/04/2016 Durante más de 15 años he planteado una pregunta a miles de víctimas de violencia… ¿qué es lo más frustrante de interponer una denuncia en tu país? Estas son las respuestas por orden de importancia. Nótese que frente a la pregunta sobre frustración, casi todas las personas responden con la palabra miedo por delante.
1. El miedo a que no me crean las autoridades.
2. El miedo a que le avisen a mi agresor (secuestrador, violador, etcétera) y haya venganza.
3. El miedo a que me humillen los peritos o el juez o el Ministerio Público.
4. El miedo a que me quede sin trabajo por tener que ocuparme de investigar mi caso como le pasa a casi toda la gente.
5. La angustia a no tener dinero para pagar buenos abogados que no se vendan.
6. El miedo a que retraumaticen a mi hijo o hija por no saber cómo tratar a niños o niñas víctimas de abuso.
7. El miedo, la frustración anticipada de que le dedique dos o tres años de mi vida al caso, y al final el juez no gire sentencia porque el Ministerio Público y la policía no supieron recabar evidencia.
8. El miedo a que me revictimice más hacer un proceso judicial que el delito en sí mismo.
9. El miedo a que me maltraten, me manoseen, me humillen en la Procuraduría por haber sido violada, violado.
10. El miedo y la angustia a que me castigue la autoridad por haber dicho la verdad.
Estoy segura de que las y los lectores coinciden con la mayoría de temores; también sé, porque lo he documentado, que dentro de las fiscalías, juzgados y procuradurías hay personas honestas que intentan romper los vicios estructurales que generan injusticia e impunidad; también viven con miedo y frustración.
Entonces ¿quiénes no viven con miedo? Los operadores de la parálisis del sistema. El primero es el presidente Enrique Peña Nieto y los gobernadores del país que se rehúsan a diario a aceptar la división de poderes. Ellos son los saboteadores principales del  Sistema de Justicia Penal Procesal, impulsan las leyes y paralelamente las desactivan.
El caso Ayotzinapa es hoy el más simbólico: policías y militares ocultan información; el PRI y PRD protegen a su alcalde y gobernador vinculados con la delincuencia organizada y desapariciones forzadas; esta connivencia provoca que la PGJ de Guerrero y la PGR manipulen la evidencia.


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On 8 March 2016, last month’s International Women’s Day, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)  published a Practitioners’ Guide on women’s access to justice for gender-based violence, a piece of work I completed as a consultant.

This Practitioners’ Guide, part of a series of Guides on specific legal topics that the ICJ has produced, serves as a manual designed to introduce legal practitioners to the international and regional framework relevant to gender based violence advocacy. The project has been extremely timely, as the most recent General Recommendation 33 of the CEDAW Committee on women’s access to justice was published in August, and the substance of this new standard has been incorporated into this new Practitioners’ Guide.


The first half of the Guide is based on a review of key global and regional legal standards – including the universal human rights treaties and regional treaties addressing women’s human rights from the African, American and European systems, and a brief reference to regional developments in the Arab Charter on Human Rights and ASEAN human rights systems. This part of the guide also contains condensed references to international and regional jurisprudence on gender-based violence, and some examples of good practice in jurisprudence at the domestic level.

Other trends in the jurisprudence and standards addressed in this Practitioners’ Guide include the confirmation of intersectionality as an approach that should be taken by courts to promote equality – especially the rights of Indigenous women (the cases ofValentina Rosendo Cantú and Ines Fernandez Ortega) and also including the right not to be subjected to discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity being recognized in treaty law (Istanbul Convention, Article 4(3)).

The second half of the Practitioners’ Guide addresses the practical situation faced by women survivors of gender-based violence, and the steps that States need to address in order to secure their access to justice in practice. This requires that the justice process deals with women’s need for safety and access to services, including medical services, ensuring women’s empowerment and access to information about their right to justice. There is a Chapter dedicated to women’s experience of the criminal justice system, ensuring that victims and witnesses can give their evidence in safety and dignity. The substantive and procedural criminal laws must also reflect the rights of victims, and are applied in such a way that impunity is addressed effectively.



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